Y Cyfarfod Llawn - Y Bumed Senedd
Plenary - Fifth Senedd
26/06/2018Cynnwys
Contents
Cyfarfu’r Cynulliad am 13:30 gyda’r Llywydd (Elin Jones) yn y Gadair.
The Assembly met at 13:30 with the Llywydd (Elin Jones) in the Chair.
Galw'r Aelodau i drefn.
I call Members to order.
Yr eitem gyntaf ar ein hagenda ni y prynhawn yma yw'r cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog, ac mae'r cwestiwn cyntaf gan Bethan Sayed.
The first item on our agenda this afternoon is questions to the First Minister, and the first question is from Bethan Sayed.
1. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am gefnogaeth i fenywod yng Nghymru y mae'r heddlu cudd ('spycops') wedi effeithio arnynt yn uniongyrchol? OAQ52395
1. Will the First Minister make a statement on the support for Welsh women affected directly by the spycops issue? OAQ52395
It is important that women affected by this issue receive the help and assistance that they need. I understand that the inquiry that the UK Government has put in place is not due to report until 2023.
Mae'n bwysig bod menywod sy'n cael eu heffeithio gan y mater hwn yn cael y cymorth a'r gefnogaeth sydd eu hangen arnynt. Deallaf na ddisgwylir i'r ymchwiliad y mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi ei roi ar waith adrodd tan 2023.
Thank you for that response. The reason why I was asking this question was because I think that it's important that the Welsh Government reaches out to some of the women from Wales who have been directly affected by this operation—the special demonstration squad unit within the police that infiltrated activist groups, and then, clearly, those police officers acted inappropriately with those women. Lisa was with Mark Stone. She discovered this in 2010. He was an undercover policeman called Mark Kennedy. Rosa, an anti-racist campaigner, had a relationship with Jim Sutton/Jim Boyling, who had two children with her. Eight women are taking action and we have an event tonight in the Pierhead with these two women involved. I'm asking what you can do as a Government to support these women in this public inquiry to make sure that nothing like this ever happens again to Welsh women, so that they're not violated in this way, and how can we go about changing the practices within the police so that we ensure that if they do need to go undercover, it is done in an ethical and an appropriate way?
Diolch am yr ymateb yna. Y rheswm pam yr oeddwn i'n gofyn y cwestiwn hwn oedd oherwydd fy mod i'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn estyn allan at rai o'r menywod o Gymru sydd wedi cael eu heffeithio'n uniongyrchol gan yr ymgyrch hon—yr uned sgwad arddangos arbennig o fewn yr heddlu a ymdreiddiodd grwpiau gweithredu, ac yna, yn amlwg, fe wnaeth y swyddogion yr heddlu hynny ymddwyn yn amhriodol gyda'r menywod hynny wedyn. Roedd Lisa gyda Mark Stone. Darganfu hyn yn 2010. Plismon cudd o'r enw Mark Kennedy oedd ef. Roedd Rosa, ymgyrchydd gwrth-hiliaeth, mewn perthynas gyda Jim Sutton/Jim Boyling, a gafodd ddau o blant gyda hi. Mae wyth o fenywod yn cymryd camau ac mae gennym ni ddigwyddiad heno yn y Pierhead gyda'r ddwy fenyw dan sylw hyn. Rwy'n gofyn beth y gallwch chi ei wneud fel Llywodraeth i gefnogi'r menywod hyn yn yr ymchwiliad cyhoeddus hwn i wneud yn siŵr nad oes dim fel hyn byth yn digwydd i fenywod Cymru eto, fel nad ydyn nhw'n cael eu bradychu fel hyn, a sut y gallwn ni fynd ati i newid yr arferion o fewn yr heddlu fel ein bod ni'n sicrhau os oes angen iddyn nhw weithredu'n gudd, ei fod yn cael ei wneud mewn ffordd foesegol a phriodol?
Can I first of all congratulate the Member for hosting tonight's event and raising a very important issue that I suspect many members of the public are still not yet aware of? Now, it's some time—five years it seems—before the report will be prepared. In the meantime, however, it is important to provide services to those who have been affected. What I can say is that we do fund, of course, the Live Fear Free helpline, which is managed by Welsh Women's Aid. Those contacting the helpline will be listened to, believed and offered help and support. It provides support and advice to victims of violence and abuse, as well as their friends and relatives, and practitioners. So, the support is there, but it is hugely important, of course, that, when the inquiry reports, that it does make robust recommendations to ensure that unacceptable practices are not repeated.
A gaf i yn gyntaf oll longyfarch yr Aelod am gynnal digwyddiad heno a chodi mater pwysig iawn yr wyf i'n amau nad oes llawer o'r cyhoedd yn ymwybodol ohono o hyd? Nawr, bydd cryn amser—pum mlynedd mae'n ymddangos—cyn y bydd yr adroddiad yn barod. Yn y cyfamser, fodd bynnag, mae'n bwysig darparu gwasanaethau i'r rhai hynny sydd wedi eu heffeithio. Yr hyn y gallaf i ei ddweud yw ein bod ni'n ariannu, wrth gwrs, llinell gymorth Byw Heb Ofn, a reolir gan Cymorth i Fenywod Cymru. Bydd y rhai hynny sy'n cysylltu â'r llinell gymorth yn cael gwrandawiad, yn cael eu credu ac yn cael cynnig cymorth a chefnogaeth. Mae'n darparu cymorth a chyngor i ddioddefwyr trais a chamdriniaeth, yn ogystal â'u ffrindiau a'u perthnasau, ac ymarferwyr. Felly, mae'r cymorth yno, ond mae'n hynod bwysig, wrth gwrs, pan fydd yr ymchwiliad yn adrodd, ei fod yn gwneud argymhellion cadarn i sicrhau nad yw arferion annerbyniol yn cael eu hailadrodd.
Terms of reference for the undercover police inquiry, which I think was launched in 2015 by the then Home Secretary, says the investigation would include but not be limited to whether and to what purpose, extent and effect undercover police operations had targeted political and social justice campaigners. However, it makes no explicit reference to the many women deceived into sexual relationships by undercover police officers. What, if any, representations has the Welsh Government made to the inquiry on behalf of women in Wales who were exploited in this way, or, if not, can you explain what limitations on the Welsh Government's intervention there might be in this respect?
Mae'r cylch gorchwyl ar gyfer yr ymchwiliad heddlu cudd, a lansiwyd yn 2015, rwy'n credu, gan yr Ysgrifennydd Cartref ar y pryd, yn dweud y byddai'r ymchwiliad yn cynnwys pa un a ac i ba ddiben, i ba raddau ac i ba effaith yr oedd ymgyrchoedd heddlu cudd wedi targedu ymgyrchwyr gwleidyddol a chyfiawnder cymdeithasol, ond ni fyddai wedi ei gyfyngu i hynny. Fodd bynnag, nid yw'n gwneud unrhyw gyfeiriad penodol at y menywod lawer a dwyllwyd i berthynas rywiol gan swyddogion heddlu cudd. Pa sylwadau, os o gwbl, y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi eu gwneud i'r ymchwiliad ar ran menywod yng Nghymru y camfanteisiwyd arnyn nhw yn y modd hwn, neu, os na wnaed sylwadau, a allwch chi esbonio pa gyfyngiadau ar ymyrraeth Llywodraeth Cymru allai fodoli yn hyn o beth?
Well, this ultimately is a matter for the UK Government, although it is taking a great deal of time, I have to say. March 2015, as the Member rightly says, was when the inquiry was announced. It potentially will take eight years before it actually reports, for reasons which are not clear. The inquiry itself will be looking at the deployment of police officers in undercover roles. It has been established following the controversy surrounding the conduct of undercover officers. Now, the inquiry will make, as I understand, recommendations as to how undercover policing is conducted and will scrutinise the use of undercover officers by the now defunct SDS and the National Public Order Intelligence Unit. Now, among the allegations, of course, are that undercover officers took fake identities from dead children, had relationships with the campaigners and fathered children. Those are on the record. It would strike me as hugely difficult to understand if the inquiry itself did not also look at those issues in order to provide a comprehensive report.
Wel, yn y pen draw, mater i Lywodraeth y DU yw hwn, er ei fod yn cymryd llawer iawn o amser, mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud. Ym mis Mawrth 2015, fel y dywed yr Aelod yn gywir, y cyhoeddwyd yr ymchwiliad. Bydd o bosibl yn cymryd wyth mlynedd cyn iddo adrodd, am resymau nad ydynt yn eglur. Bydd yr ymchwiliad ei hun yn ystyried y defnydd o swyddogion yr heddlu mewn swyddogaethau cudd. Fe'i sefydlwyd yn dilyn y ddadl ynghylch ymddygiad swyddogion cudd. Nawr, bydd yr ymchwiliad yn gwneud argymhellion, fel y deallaf, ynglŷn â sut yr ymgymerir â phlismona cudd a bydd yn craffu ar y defnydd o swyddogion cudd gan SDS, sydd wedi ei ddiddymu erbyn hyn, a'r Uned Cudd-wybodaeth Trefn Gyhoeddus Genedlaethol. Nawr, ymhlith yr honiadau, wrth gwrs, mae'r cyhuddiad bod swyddogion cudd wedi mabwysiadu hunaniaethau ffug oddi wrth blant marw, wedi cael perthynas gyda'r ymgyrchwyr ac wedi cenhedlu plant. Mae'r rheini ar y cofnod. Byddai'n fy nharo i'n hynod anodd ei ddeall pe na byddai'r ymchwiliad ei hun yn ystyried y materion hynny hefyd er mwyn darparu adroddiad cynhwysfawr.
2. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am daliadau grantiau Glastir? OAQ52433
2. Will the First Minister make a statement on Glastir grant payments? OAQ52433
Mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi darparu taliadau Glastir i’r hawlwyr mewn modd amserol ac yn gyson. Hyd yn hyn, mae dros £39 miliwn wedi’i dalu i fusnesau fferm yng Nghymru yn ystod y flwyddyn hon. Bydd cyfnodau ymgeisio pellach ar gyfer grantiau bach Glastir yn agor eleni ac yn 2019 er mwyn hyrwyddo’r gwaith o adfer a chreu cynefinoedd hanfodol.
The Welsh Government has consistently delivered Glastir payments to claimants in a timely manner, and done so consistently. To date, over £39 million has been paid to Welsh farm businesses during this year. Further Glastir small grants windows will open this year and in 2019 to promote the restoration and creation of vital habitats.
Diolch am yr ateb yna. Rydw i wedi siarad â nifer o ffermwyr a chynrychiolwyr sydd wedi bod yn rhoi cymorth iddyn nhw i wneud ceisiadau am grantiau bach Glastir, a hynny yn sgil pryderon bod taliadau yn hir yn dod. Rŵan, yr ymateb rydw i wedi ei gael gan y Llywodraeth ydy nad ydy’r taliadau’n hwyr, ac, yn dechnegol, mae hynny’n gywir, oherwydd nid oes amser yn cael ei osod o ran faint o amser ar ôl gwneud cais y mae taliadau i fod i gael eu gwneud. Rŵan, o ystyried, yn enwedig ar ôl gaeaf caled iawn, fod llif arian yn bwysig i ffermwyr, a wnewch chi, fel Prif Weinidog, ystyried cyflwyno canllaw ar gyfer gosod amserlen lle y gall ffermwr ddisgwyl cael taliad lle'r oedd yn llwyddiannus yn gwneud cais?
Thank you for that response. I have spoken to a number of farmers and representatives who have been assisting them in making applications for the small Glastir grants, and that as a result of concern that payments were taking a long time to arrive. The response I’ve had from the Government is that the payments aren’t late, and, technically, that is correct because no time limit is set in relation to how long after applications are made that payments are to be made. When we consider that, especially after a hard winter, cash flow is important to farmers, will you, as First Minister, consider introducing guidelines in terms of setting a time frame in which farmers can expect to receive payment where their applications have been successful?
Fe allaf i ddweud wrth yr Aelod fod rheoliadau'r Comisiwn Ewropeaidd wedi cael eu newid yn ddiweddar er mwyn sicrhau ffenest ynglŷn â gwneud taliadau. Bydd hynny'n meddwl y bydd taliadau Glastir yn cael eu gwneud rhwng 1 Rhagfyr eleni a 30 Mehefin y flwyddyn nesaf. Felly, am y tro cyntaf, bydd yna ffenest, ac yn y ffenest hynny bydd ffermwyr yn gallu erfyn taliadau.
I can tell the Member that European Commission regulations were recently changed in order to ensure a window in terms of payments, and that means that Glastir payments will be made between 1 December this year and 30 June next year. For the first time, there will be a window, and during that window farmers can expect payments.
What other schemes are available to help farmers bring forward environmental schemes on their farmland, other than the Glastir scheme?
Pa gynlluniau eraill sydd ar gael i helpu ffermwyr gyflwyno cynlluniau amgylcheddol ar eu tir, ac eithrio'r cynllun Glastir?
Well, farmers, of course, can look at schemes such as the existing agri-environment schemes. There is the small grant scheme that Members will be aware of, and also, of course, Farming Connect, which can help farmers to become more sustainable in terms of their businesses. So, there are a number of options available for farmers in order to make their practices more sustainable and, of course, to make their businesses more sustainable.
Wel, gall ffermwyr, wrth gwrs, ystyried cynlluniau fel y cynlluniau amaeth-amgylchedd presennol. Ceir cynllun grantiau bach y bydd yr Aelodau'n ymwybodol ohono, a hefyd, wrth gwrs, Cyswllt Ffermio, sy'n gallu helpu ffermwyr i ddod yn fwy cynaliadwy o ran eu busnesau. Felly, mae nifer o ddewisiadau ar gael i ffermwyr i wneud eu harferion yn fwy cynaliadwy ac, wrth gwrs, i wneud eu busnesau yn fwy cynaliadwy.
Cwestiynau nawr gan arweinwyr y pleidiau. Arweinydd Plaid Cymru, Leanne Wood.
Questions now from the party leaders. The leader of Plaid Cymru, Leanne Wood.
Yesterday, your Labour Government backed Westminster's multibillion investment in a polluting new runway in the south-east of England. Do you stand by that decision, considering, on the same day, Westminster cancelled a clean, green, renewable energy project in Swansea?
Ddoe, cefnogodd eich Llywodraeth Lafur fuddsoddiad gwerth sawl biliwn San Steffan mewn rhedfa newydd sy'n llygru yn ne-ddwyrain Lloegr. A ydych chi'n glynu wrth y penderfyniad hwnnw, o ystyried, ar yr un diwrnod, bod San Steffan wedi canslo prosiect ynni adnewyddadwy gwyrdd a glân yn Abertawe?
I'm not responsible for the way votes go in Westminster, as I've said many, many times, but I do share her very great concern—and that's probably an understatement—with the failure to go ahead with the Swansea bay tidal lagoon. It is a huge disappointment for the Swansea bay area and it's a disappointment that's shared, in fairness, by Conservatives as well in this Chamber. They've expressed that great concern. It's a shame the UK Government didn't look at this in a far more rounded way—the fact that the project would've lasted a century, the fact that it would've created jobs not just in the short term, but potentially in the long term as well. It would've created a technology that we could've exported around the world. Now, others will steal a march on us.
It is hugely important that the UK Government doesn't give the impression, which it has done now, that nuclear and offshore wind seem to be the only options for energy generation in the future. We have around the coast of Wales, particularly but not exclusively in the Bristol channel, one of the highest tidal reaches in the world. The fact that it's not being harnessed is a sign that the UK Government sees Britain as being a boring and backward place and not one that's bold and bright and wants to go forward developing new technology. It's a huge shame for so many people in Swansea bay and beyond.
Nid wyf i'n gyfrifol am y ffordd y mae pleidleisiau'n cael eu bwrw yn San Steffan, fel yr wyf i wedi ei ddweud lawer iawn o weithiau, ond rwy'n rhannu ei phryder mawr—ac nid yw'n hynny'n ei gyfleu'n ddigonol, mae'n debyg—ynghylch y methiant i fwrw ymlaen â morlyn llanw bae Abertawe. Mae'n siom enfawr i ardal bae Abertawe ac mae'n siom a rennir, a bod yn deg, gan y Ceidwadwyr yn y Siambr hon hefyd. Maen nhw wedi mynegi'r pryder mawr hwnnw. Mae'n drueni na wnaeth Llywodraeth y DU ystyried hyn mewn ffordd llawer mwy cytbwys—y ffaith y byddai'r prosiect wedi para canrif, y ffaith y byddai wedi creu swyddi nid yn unig yn y tymor byr, ond yn y tymor hir hefyd o bosibl. Byddai wedi creu technoleg y gallem ni fod wedi ei hallforio ledled y byd. Bellach, bydd eraill yn achub y blaen arnom ni.
Mae'n hynod bwysig nad yw Llywodraeth y DU yn rhoi'r argraff, y mae hi wedi ei wneud nawr, ei bod yn ymddangos mai niwclear a gwynt ar y môr yw'r unig ddewisiadau ar gyfer cynhyrchu ynni yn y dyfodol. Mae gennym ni ar hyd arfordir Cymru, ym Môr Hafren yn arbennig, ond nid yn unig, un o'r cyraeddiadau llanw uchaf yn y byd. Mae'r ffaith nad yw'n cael ei harneisio yn arwydd bod Llywodraeth y DU yn gweld Prydain fel lle diflas a hen ffasiwn ac nid un sy'n feiddgar a disglair ac eisiau bwrw ymlaen â datblygu technoleg newydd. Mae'n drueni enfawr i gymaint o bobl yn ardal bae Abertawe a thu hwnt.
First Minister, the contradiction in all of this is shocking. Any Government that is serious about tackling climate change cannot seriously take such contradictory positions as this. Not only do we see Heathrow being built, but new nuclear to be funded by the taxpayer at the same if not higher rate than the stated cost of the tidal lagoon. Now, First Minister, I acknowledge that the Welsh Government has made an offer of financial support for the tidal lagoon, but that wasn't enough. Now, we need action and not offers. The window of opportunity is small, but I believe that the Swansea tidal lagoon project can still be saved. So, will you now keep hope alive by honouring Labour's manifesto commitment to set up a national, publicly owned energy company to take over and progress this project?
Brif Weinidog, mae'r gwrth-ddweud yn hyn i gyd yn syfrdanol. Ni all unrhyw Lywodraeth sydd o ddifrif ynghylch mynd i'r afael â'r newid yn yr hinsawdd wir gymryd safbwyntiau sy'n mynd mor groes i'w gilydd fel hyn. Nid yn unig yr ydym ni'n gweld Heathrow yn cael ei adeiladu, ond niwclear newydd i gael ei ariannu gan y trethdalwr ar yr un gyfradd, os nad uwch na chost ddatganedig y morlyn llanw. Nawr, Brif Weinidog, rwy'n cydnabod bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gwneud cynnig o gymorth ariannol ar gyfer y morlyn llanw, ond nid oedd hynny'n ddigon. Nawr, rydym ni angen gweithredu ac nid cynigion. Mae'r ffenestr cyfle yn fach, ond rwy'n credu y gall prosiect morlyn llanw Abertawe gael ei achub o hyd. Felly, a wnewch chi gadw gobaith yn fyw nawr trwy anrhydeddu ymrwymiad maniffesto Llafur i sefydlu cwmni ynni cenedlaethol o dan berchenogaeth gyhoeddus i gymryd drosodd a bwrw ymlaen â'r prosiect hwn?
On a day when people in different parties have been united in expressing their concern at the UK Government's decision, Plaid Cymru start moving the blame elsewhere. There is a fair question and that is: what plans do you have for the future? And that is a fair question, but today, what I have to say is that Wales has been let down by a decision of the UK Government in London. That's what's happened. We cannot fill in the gaps that they have left; they are responsible for that. They're the ones who have to explain what they have done to the people of Swansea, and we will continue to press them.
Now, in the future, what plans can there be for other projects that we'll be looking to support? Of course the door is open and of course that's something that we want to do, because we believe that there is huge potential around the coast of Wales in terms of energy generation. What we cannot do, however, is fill in enormous gaps that are left by the UK Government and are the UK Government's responsibility. Surely she will join me today in expressing her great concern at the way this has been dealt with by the UK Government—18 months of delay, despite the Hendry review; the fact that this would have been a game-changing project for the whole of Wales and, indeed, for the world, and that will not now happen because of the actions of the UK Government.
Ar ddiwrnod pan fo pobl mewn gwahanol bleidiau wedi bod yn unfryd o ran mynegi eu pryder ynghylch penderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU, mae Plaid Cymru yn dechrau symud y bai i rywle arall. Ceir cwestiwn teg, sef: pa gynlluniau sydd gennych chi ar gyfer y dyfodol? Ac mae hwnnw'n gwestiwn teg, ond heddiw, yr hyn y mae'n rhaid i mi ei ddweud yw bod Cymru wedi cael cam yn sgil penderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU yn Llundain. Dyna'r hyn sydd wedi digwydd. Ni allwn lenwi'r bylchau y maen nhw wedi eu gadael; nhw sy'n gyfrifol am hynny. Nhw yw'r rhai sy'n gorfod esbonio yr hyn y maen nhw wedi ei wneud i bobl Abertawe, a byddwn ni'n parhau i bwyso arnynt.
Nawr, yn y dyfodol, pa gynlluniau allai fod ar gyfer prosiectau eraill y byddwn yn ceisio eu cefnogi? Mae'r drws ar agor, wrth gwrs, ac wrth gwrs mae hynny'n rhywbeth yr ydym ni eisiau ei wneud, gan ein bod ni'n credu bod potensial enfawr ar hyd arfordir Cymru o ran cynhyrchu ynni. Yr hyn na allwn ni ei wneud, fodd bynnag, yw llenwi'r bylchau enfawr sy'n cael eu gadael gan Lywodraeth y DU ac sy'n gyfrifoldeb i Lywodraeth y DU. Siawns y gwnaiff hi ymuno â mi heddiw i fynegi ei phryder mawr o ran y ffordd yr ymdriniwyd â hyn gan Lywodraeth y DU—18 mis o oedi, er gwaethaf adolygiad Hendry; y ffaith y byddai hwn wedi bod yn brosiect gweddnewidiol i Gymru gyfan ac, yn wir, i'r byd, ac na fydd hynny'n digwydd bellach oherwydd gweithredoedd Llywodraeth y DU.
So, you're just going to wring your hands; you're not even going to bother trying. And remember, you promised in your manifesto that you would set up an energy company and that could, if you were prepared to look at it, progress this project. First Minister, railways not electrified, lagoons not built, Airbus not investing—it's clear that the Secretary of State is Westminster's voice in Wales and not Wales's voice in Westminster. First Minister, Airbus employs around 7,000 people here in Wales, and their reason for reconsidering their investment in this country is our place in the single market and customs union. Now, I recognise that the First Minister may well say that he supports our membership of both, but the actions of his party indicate the opposite. Just a few weeks back, a majority of Welsh Labour MPs failed to vote on a crucial amendment that would have kept us in the single market. We now need clarity. Will you, First Minister, join with us in condemning your Labour MPs for supporting pulling Wales out of the single market and customs union, directly endangering those Airbus jobs?
Y cwbl yr ydych chi'n mynd i'w wneud yw anobeithio, felly; dydych chi ddim yn mynd i drafferthu i wneud dim hyd yn oed. A chofiwch, gwnaed addewid gennych chi yn eich maniffesto y byddech chi'n sefydlu cwmni ynni ac y gallai hwnnw, pe byddech chi'n fodlon ei ystyried, fwrw ymlaen â'r prosiect hwn. Brif Weinidog, rheilffyrdd heb eu trydaneiddio, morlynnoedd heb eu hadeiladu, Airbus ddim yn buddsoddi—mae'n amlwg mai'r Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yw llais San Steffan yng Nghymru ac nid llais Cymru yn San Steffan. Brif Weinidog, mae Airbus yn cyflogi tua 7,000 o bobl yma yng Nghymru, a'u rheswm am ailystyried eu buddsoddiad yn y wlad hon yw ein lle yn y farchnad sengl a'r undeb tollau. Nawr, rwy'n cydnabod ei bod yn bosibl iawn y bydd y Prif Weinidog yn dweud ei fod yn cefnogi ein haelodaeth o'r ddau, ond mae gweithredoedd ei blaid yn dynodi i'r gwrthwyneb. Dim ond ychydig wythnosau yn ôl, methodd mwyafrif ASau Llafur a phleidleisio ar welliant hollbwysig a fyddai wedi ein cadw ni yn y farchnad sengl. Mae angen eglurder arnom ni nawr. A wnewch chi, Brif Weinidog, ymuno â ni i gondemnio eich ASau Llafur am gefnogi Cymru yn tynnu allan o'r farchnad sengl a'r undeb tollau, gan beryglu'r swyddi Airbus hynny yn uniongyrchol?
This is like watching somebody playing darts and deliberately trying to aim at the wall to the side rather than the dartboard itself. On a day when people from different parties have expressed concern—they've expressed it in different ways, of course, which they have to do, according to which party they're a member of—on a day when people have expressed concern at the decision of the UK Government, Plaid Cymru have left them off the hook.
Mae hyn fel gwylio rhywun yn chwarae dartiau ac yn ceisio anelu'n fwriadol at y wal i'r ochr yn hytrach na'r dartfwrdd ei hun. Ar ddiwrnod pan fo pobl o wahanol bleidiau wedi mynegi pryder—maen nhw wedi ei fynegi mewn gwahanol ffyrdd, wrth gwrs, fel y mae'n rhaid iddyn nhw ei wneud, yn dibynnu ar ba blaid y maen nhw'n aelodau ohoni—ar ddiwrnod pan fo pobl wedi mynegi pryder am benderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU, mae Plaid Cymru wedi rhoi rhwydd hynt iddyn nhw.
I'm asking you to do something about it. Do something about it—
Rwy'n gofyn i chi wneud rhywbeth yn ei gylch. Gwnewch rywbeth yn ei gylch—
On a day when blame should rest in Westminster, where the decision has been made, Plaid Cymru are trying to turn this into an exercise in presenting themselves as being relevant when, in fact—[Interruption.] It is First Minister's questions. First Minister's questions doesn't involve answering questions about what happens in Westminster. That's one of the things that are absolutely clear. I am here to give the view of the Welsh Government. It's a matter of great regret today that, as politicians from across Wales have expressed their concern at the decision taken by the UK Government—even those within the Welsh Conservative Party who have expressed their view—Plaid Cymru decided to let them off the hook.
Ar ddiwrnod pan ddylai'r bai gael ei roi ar San Steffan, lle gwnaed y penderfyniad, mae Plaid Cymru yn ceisio troi hwn yn ymarfer mewn cyflwyno eu hunain fel eu bod yn berthnasol pan, mewn gwirionedd—[Torri ar draws.] Cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog yw'r rhain. Nid yw cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog yn cynnwys ateb cwestiynau am yr hyn sy'n digwydd yn San Steffan. Dyna un o'r pethau sy'n gwbl eglur. Rwyf i yma i roi safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru. Mae'n fater o ofid mawr heddiw, wrth i wleidyddion o bob cwr o Gymru fynegi eu pryder ynghylch y penderfyniad a wnaed gan Lywodraeth y DU—hyd yn oed y rhai hynny ym Mhlaid y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig sydd wedi mynegi eu barn—bod Plaid Cymru wedi penderfynu rhoi rhwydd hynt iddyn nhw.
Arweinydd yr wrthblaid, Andrew R.T. Davies.
The leader of the opposition, Andrew R.T. Davies.
Thank you, Presiding Officer. First Minister, last week, the report into the tragedy at Gosport War Memorial Hospital came forward and, in particular, the excessive use of opiate painkillers that potentially led to the untimely death of at least 650 patients. Has the Welsh Government had a chance to consider the report, the findings of that report and any implications for the Welsh NHS and changes that it might need to make?
Diolch, Llywydd. Brif Weinidog, yr wythnos diwethaf, cyhoeddwyd yr adroddiad ar y drychineb yn Ysbyty Coffa'r Rhyfel Gosport ac, yn benodol, y defnydd gormodol o boenladdwyr opioid a arweiniodd o bosibl at farwolaeth cynamserol o leiaf 650 o gleifion. A yw Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cael cyfle i ystyried yr adroddiad, canfyddiadau'r adroddiad hwnnw ac unrhyw oblygiadau i GIG Cymru a'r newidiadau y gallai fod angen iddo eu gwneud?
We will, of course, consider any reports that are relevant to Wales, and many of the issues that arise elsewhere in the UK and beyond will inform our future thinking. Officials and the Minister will look at the report to see if there are any lessons that can be learned for Wales.
Byddwn, wrth gwrs, yn ystyried unrhyw adroddiadau sy'n berthnasol i Gymru, a bydd llawer o'r materion sy'n codi mewn mannau eraill yn y DU a thu hwnt yn llywio ein hystyriaethau yn y dyfodol. Bydd swyddogion a'r Gweinidog yn edrych ar yr adroddiad i weld a oes unrhyw wersi y gellir eu dysgu ar gyfer Cymru.
Thank you for that answer. I hope that there will be a timely report back on that, because there are some very concerning aspects in relation to the circumstances around the premature deaths of the patients concerned. But one of the things that has come to light, certainly in press comment, is the use of Graseby syringe drivers, which basically administer opiate painkillers, either over a 24-hour period or over an hour. Now, various safety notices have been put out over the last 20 years in relation to these instruments, and in Australia and New Zealand they were banned many years ago. The NHS was supposed to have withdrawn from service these syringes in 2015. Can you confirm today whether the NHS in Wales is still using these syringes, or is the Welsh Government still investigating this?
Diolch am yr ateb yna. Rwy'n gobeithio y bydd adroddiad prydlon yn ôl ar hynny, oherwydd ceir rhai agweddau sy'n peri pryder mawr o ran yr amgylchiadau yn ymwneud â marwolaethau cynamserol y cleifion dan sylw. Ond un o'r pethau sydd wedi dod i'r amlwg, yn sicr yn sylwadau'r wasg, yw'r defnydd o yrwyr chwistrell Graseby, sy'n darparu poenladdwyr opioid i bob pwrpas, naill ai dros gyfnod o 24 awr neu dros awr. Nawr, cyhoeddwyd gwahanol hysbysiadau diogelwch dros yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf o ran yr offerynnau hyn, a chawsant eu gwahardd flynyddoedd lawer yn ôl yn Awstralia a Seland Newydd. Roedd y GIG i fod wedi tynnu'r chwistrelli hyn o gael eu defnyddio yn 2015. A allwch chi gadarnhau heddiw pa un a yw'r GIG yng Nghymru yn dal i ddefnyddio'r chwistrellau hyn, neu a yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn dal i ymchwilio i hyn?
What I can say is that he's right about the media coverage of the syringes. The syringe drivers, which are called Graseby MS26 and Graseby MS16A, were loaded with capsules and programmed to release drugs into a patient's bloodstream over an extended period. They delivered drugs at different rates, and, of course, we know from the report that led to a dangerous over-infusion of drugs. Hazard notices were issued by the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency—MHRA—to ensure that NHS staff knew the difference between the models. This was also the subject of an England and Wales-wide National Patient Safety Agency publication—a rapid response report—in December 2010, which gave the NHS five years to transition to drivers with additional safety features whilst mitigating the risk in the meantime. What I can say is that all relevant NHS Wales organisations have confirmed compliance with that patient safety requirement. We will be writing to health boards and trusts asking them to audit existing practice and to provide assurance that they remain compliant with this advice, and I understand that the same thing will be happening in England.
Yr hyn y gallaf ei ddweud yw ei fod yn iawn am y sylw i'r chwistrellau yn y cyfryngau. Roedd y gyrwyr chwistrell, o'r enw Graseby MS26 a Graseby MS16A, yn cael eu llwytho gyda chapsiwlau wedi eu rhaglennu i ryddhau cyffuriau i lif gwaed claf dros gyfnod estynedig. Roedden nhw'n darparu cyffuriau ar wahanol gyfraddau, ac, wrth gwrs, rydym ni'n gwybod o'r adroddiad bod hynny wedi arwain at or-drwytho peryglus o gyffuriau. Cyhoeddwyd hysbysiadau o berygl gan yr Asiantaeth Rheoleiddio Meddyginiaethau a chynhyrchion Gofal Iechyd—MHRA—i sicrhau bod staff y GIG yn gwybod y gwahaniaeth rhwng y modelau. Roedd hyn hefyd yn destun cyhoeddiad Asiantaeth Diogelwch Cleifion Genedlaethol ar draws Cymru a Lloegr—adroddiad ymateb cyflym—ym mis Rhagfyr 2010, a roddodd bum mlynedd i'r GIG bontio i yrwyr â nodweddion diogelwch ychwanegol gan liniaru'r risg yn y cyfamser. Yr hyn y gallaf ei ddweud yw bod holl sefydliadau perthnasol GIG Cymru wedi cadarnhau cydymffurfiad â'r gofyniad diogelwch cleifion hwnnw. Byddwn yn ysgrifennu at fyrddau ac ymddiriedolaethau iechyd gan ofyn iddyn nhw archwilio arferion presennol a rhoi sicrwydd eu bod yn dal i gydymffurfio â'r cyngor hwn, a deallaf y bydd yr un peth yn digwydd yn Lloegr.
I'm grateful for that very detailed response, because the reports over the weekend will have caused a huge amount of distress to families of bereaved relatives that might suspect some wrongdoing or some faulty equipment that might have caused an untimely death. What is important is if families do have those concerns—and the numbers we are talking about run into the thousands if you put it across the whole of the NHS, because these machines were used right across the NHS in England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland—that families can raise their concerns and ultimately have those concerns addressed. What actions will the Welsh Government be doing to work with health boards so that families who do have those concerns—bearing in mind you have confirmed that the Welsh NHS is compliant with the directive that ruled out their use up to 2015, but families will have concerns that need addressing, so how can families go about having those concerns addressed?
Rwy'n ddiolchgar am yr ateb manwl iawn yna, oherwydd bydd yr adroddiadau dros y penwythnos wedi achosi gofid aruthrol i deuluoedd perthnasau sydd wedi dioddef profedigaeth a allai amau rhywfaint o ddrygioni neu offer diffygiol a allai fod wedi achosi marwolaeth gynamserol. Yr hyn sy'n bwysig, os bydd y pryderon hynny gan deuluoedd—ac mae'r niferoedd yr ydym ni'n sôn amdanynt yn rhedeg i'r miloedd os byddwch chi'n ei gyfrif ar draws y GIG cyfan, oherwydd defnyddiwyd y peiriannau hyn ar draws y GIG yng Nghymru, Lloegr, yr Alban a Gogledd Iwerddon—yw y gall teuluoedd godi eu pryderon a chael sylw i'r pryderon hynny yn y pen draw. Pa gamau fydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd i weithio gyda byrddau iechyd fel bod teuluoedd sydd â'r pryderon hynny—cofiwch eich bod chi wedi cadarnhau bod GIG Cymru yn cydymffurfio â'r gyfarwyddeb a ddiystyrwyd eu defnydd hyd at 2015, ond bydd gan deuluoedd bryderon y mae angen rhoi sylw iddynt, felly sut gall teuluoedd fynd ati i gael sylw i'r pryderon hynny?
Well, if anybody has a concern, of course, they can raise that concern directly with the health board, or with their AM, or indeed with the health Minister. There is an outlet to do that. We're not aware of any concerns, but obviously it is right that there is an audit to make sure that the compliance is still there in the way that we would want. That is the way we will seek to give assurance to both patients and their families across the NHS.
Wel, os oes gan unrhyw un bryder, wrth gwrs, gallant godi'r pryder hwnnw yn uniongyrchol gyda'r bwrdd iechyd, gyda'u AC, neu gyda'r Gweinidog iechyd, yn wir. Ceir ffordd o wneud hynny. Nid ydym ni'n ymwybodol o unrhyw bryderon, ond mae'n amlwg yn briodol bod archwiliad i wneud yn siŵr bod y cydymffurfiad yn dal i fod yno yn y ffordd y byddem ni'n dymuno iddo fod. Dyna'r ffordd y byddwn ni'n ceisio rhoi sicrwydd i gleifion a'u teuluoedd ar draws y GIG.
Arweinydd grŵp UKIP, Caroline Jones.
Leader of the UKIP group, Caroline Jones.
Diolch, Llywydd. First Minister, the past few months have been brutal for the Welsh high street, with many large retailers announcing closures of their stores. Mothercare is closing 50 stores across the UK, including its Newport branch. New Look is closing 60 stores, including its stores in Cardiff, Monmouth, Rhyl and Pontypool. Carphone Warehouse announced nearly 100 store closures across the country, and other retail giants like M&S are announcing closures, and planning closures as well. In the last week, we had the devastating news that one of the high street's most iconic names, House of Fraser, was closing its stores in Cardiff and Cwmbran. So, we've seen many high street brands disappear in recent times, and thousands of jobs have been lost. So, First Minister, the UK Government are not appearing to address this issue, and some are calling this 'hell on the high street', so please can you tell me what your Government, the Welsh Government, is planning to do to help halt this decline?
Diolch, Llywydd. Brif Weinidog, mae'r misoedd diwethaf wedi bod yn ofnadwy i stryd fawr Cymru, gyda nifer o fanwerthwyr mawr yn cyhoeddi y bydd eu siopau yn cau. Mae Mothercare yn cau 50 o siopau ledled y DU, gan gynnwys ei gangen yng Nghasnewydd. Mae New Look yn cau 60 o siopau, gan gynnwys ei siopau yng Nghaerdydd, Trefynwy, y Rhyl a Phont-y-pŵl. Cyhoeddodd Carphone Warehouse ei fod yn cau bron i 100 o siopau ledled y wlad, ac mae cewri manwerthu eraill fel M&S yn cyhoeddi eu bod yn cau siopau, ac yn bwriadu cau siopau hefyd. Yn ystod yr wythnos ddiwethaf, cawsom y newyddion trychinebus bod un o enwau mwyaf eiconig y stryd fawr, House of Fraser, yn cau ei siopau yng Nghaerdydd ac yng Nghwmbrân. Felly, rydym ni wedi gweld llawer o frandiau stryd fawr yn diflannu yn ddiweddar, ac mae miloedd o swyddi wedi eu colli. Felly, Brif Weinidog, nid yw'n ymddangos bod Llywodraeth y DU yn mynd i'r afael â'r mater hwn, ac mae rhai yn galw hyn yn 'uffern ar y stryd fawr', felly a allwch chi ddweud wrthyf beth mae eich Llywodraeth chi, Llywodraeth Cymru, yn bwriadu ei wneud i helpu i atal y dirywiad hwn?
Well, retail is an important sector for us; we're making it a priority. I'm not going to pretend that the challenges facing retail are easy, because they're not. There are many people who shop online. There are many people who go into a shop and then shop online, not shopping in the shop itself. And there are some challenges there. Where does the answer lie? I suspect it's ensuring that our town centres are more mixed, making sure that more people live in town centres, and also ensuring that there are more offices. I know from my own experience in Bridgend that there is a lack of office space and there is too much retail space. What we need is to get the balance right so that there is more good-quality office space, creating, then, the footfall during the day for the shops that are there. So, it's a question, I think, of rethinking what our town centres should look like, not seeing them purely for retail but a far better mix in terms of what they offer, and people living there and people working there.
Wel, mae manwerthu yn sector pwysig i ni; rydym ni'n ei wneud yn flaenoriaeth. Nid wyf i'n mynd i esgus bod yr heriau sy'n wynebu manwerthu yn hawdd, gan nad ydyn nhw. Ceir llawer o bobl sy'n siopa ar-lein. Ceir llawer o bobl sy'n mynd i mewn i siop ac yna'n siopa ar-lein, nid siopa yn y siop ei hun. A cheir rhai heriau yn hynny o beth. Ymhle mae'r ateb? Rwy'n amau mai'r ateb yw sicrhau bod canol ein trefi yn fwy cymysg, gwneud yn siŵr bod mwy o bobl yn byw yng nghanol trefi, a hefyd sicrhau bod mwy o swyddfeydd. Gwn o'm profiad fy hun ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr fod diffyg mannau swyddfa a bod gormod o fannau manwerthu. Yr hyn sydd ei angen arnom ni yw sicrhau'r cydbwysedd cywir fel bod mwy o fannau swyddfa o ansawdd da ar gael, gan greu, wedyn, yr ymwelwyr yn ystod y dydd ar gyfer y siopau sydd yno. Felly, mae'n gwestiwn, rwy'n credu, o ailfeddwl sut y dylai canol ein trefi edrych, nid eu gweld fel bod ar gyfer manwerthu yn unig ond cymysgedd llawer gwell o ran yr hyn y maen nhw'n ei gynnig, a phobl yn byw yno a phobl yn gweithio yno.
I appreciate what you're saying, First Minister, but, over the weekend, retail experts outlined the scale of the problem facing Wales's department stores, following the announcement by the House of Fraser and the news that Chepstow's Herbert Lewis was to close. Howells has been on Cardiff's high street since 1879 and will soon go the same way as David Morgan, which was the mainstay of Cardiff's retail experience for over 125 years. Herbert Lewis has been part of Chepstow's shopping experience for 140 years. The managing director of Newport's Wildings department store, which recently had to downsize, said the future was not good for traditional stores, due to the rising costs and growth of online sales. So, First Minister, do you think it's time we took radical action, such as massively cutting business rates, in order to save Wales's remaining retail icons?
Rwy'n gwerthfawrogi'r hyn yr ydych chi'n ei ddweud, Brif Weinidog, ond, dros y penwythnos, amlinellodd arbenigwyr manwerthu faint y broblem sy'n wynebu siopau adrannau Cymru, yn dilyn y cyhoeddiad gan House of Fraser a'r newyddion y byddai siop Herbert Lewis yng Nghas-gwent yn cau. Mae Howells wedi bod ar stryd fawr Caerdydd ers 1879 ac yn fuan bydd yn mynd yr un ffordd â David Morgan, a oedd yn ganolbwynt i brofiad manwerthu Caerdydd am dros 125 mlynedd. Mae Herbert Lewis wedi bod yn rhan o brofiad siopa Cas-gwent am 140 mlynedd. Dywedodd rheolwr-gyfarwyddwr siop adrannau Wildings, Casnewydd, y bu'n rhaid iddi leihau ei maint yn ddiweddar, nad yw'r dyfodol yn dda ar gyfer siopau traddodiadol, oherwydd y costau cynyddol a thwf gwerthiannau ar-lein. Felly, Brif Weinidog, a ydych chi'n credu ei bod hi'n bryd i ni gymryd camau radical, fel gostwng ardrethi busnes yn aruthrol, er mwyn achub yr eiconau manwerthu sydd ar ôl yng Nghymru?
It will take more than that. I think one of the issues that does need to be dealt with is we need to make sure that online retailers are paying taxes properly. The reality is that, if you are a shop, you are paying business rates. You might be competing with somebody who's paying next to nothing, because they're online, and there are issues there that only the UK Government can resolve. They have been issues that have arisen many times over the past few years, but that's where the level playing field has to be established. Simply saying, well, because an online shop is based outside of the UK or is subject to a more favourable tax regime—it's never going to work for the high street, if I can put it that way, or even for the bigger chains, if they're competing against online retailers who just don't pay the same taxes as they do, and that's where I think the focus has to be.
Bydd yn cymryd mwy na hynny. Rwy'n credu mai un o'r materion y mae angen rhoi sylw iddyn nhw yw bod angen i ni wneud yn siŵr bod manwerthwyr ar-lein yn talu trethi yn briodol. Y gwir amdani, os ydych chi'n siop, yw eich bod chi'n talu ardrethi busnes. Efallai eich bod chi'n cystadlu gyda rhywun sy'n talu'r nesaf peth i ddim, gan eu bod nhw ar-lein, a cheir materion yn hynny o beth mai dim ond Llywodraeth y DU sy'n gallu eu datrys. Maen nhw wedi bod yn faterion sydd wedi codi droeon dros yr ychydig flynyddoedd diwethaf, ond dyna lle mae'n rhaid creu'r sefyllfa o chwarae teg. Nid yw dweud yn syml, wel, gan fod siop ar-lein sydd wedi'i lleoli y tu allan i'r DU neu'n ddarostyngedig i gyfundrefn dreth fwy ffafriol—nid yw byth yn mynd i weithio ar gyfer y stryd fawr, os caf ei roi felly, na hyd yn oed i'r cadwyni mwy, os ydyn nhw'n cystadlu yn erbyn manwerthwyr ar-lein nad ydyn nhw'n talu'r un trethi ag y maen nhw'n eu talu, a dyna lle y credaf y dylai'r pwyslais fod.
Yes, but we have to redress and look at the balance and have a level playing field. Unfortunately, according to Cardiff Metropolitan University's business school, it is too late to save our traditional retailers. According to Chris Parry, senior lecturer in accounting and finance at Cardiff Met, the time to cut rents and rates was 2008, not 2018. He said that the challenge for us is what we do with our town centres and our high streets to look like that in 10 years' time. What do we do with it? That's something we need to urgently consider. So, if the exponential rise in online sales continues—and we have no reason to believe that it won't—then, by 2028, many of our traditional retailers will have disappeared. So, First Minister, we have to plan for that future. Chris Parry said that, if we sit and do nothing, our town centres may well be derelict wastelands in the next decade. So, we have to avoid that at all costs. First Minister, what plans does your Government have to accelerate mixed-use of our town and city centres, replacing closed-down stores with housing, restaurants, GP surgeries, and everything else needed for true urban living?
Ie, ond mae'n rhaid i ni unioni'r fantol ac ystyried y cydbwysedd a chael sefyllfa o chwarae teg. Yn anffodus, yn ôl ysgol fusnes Prifysgol Fetropolitan Caerdydd, mae'n rhy hwyr i achub ein manwerthwyr traddodiadol. Yn ôl Chris Parry, sy'n uwch ddarlithydd cyfrifeg a chyllid ym Mhrifysgol Fetropolitan Caerdydd, 2008 oedd yr adeg i ostwng ardrethi a rhenti, nid 2018. Dywedodd mai'r her i ni yw sut yr ydym ni eisiau i ganol ein trefi a'n strydoedd mawr edrych ymhen 10 mlynedd. Beth ydym ni'n mynd i'w wneud â nhw? Mae hynny'n rhywbeth y mae angen i ni ei ystyried ar frys. Felly, os bydd y cynnydd esbonyddol i werthiannau ar-lein yn parhau—ac nid oes gennym ni reswm i gredu na fydd—yna, erbyn 2028, bydd llawer o'n manwerthwyr traddodiadol wedi diflannu. Felly, Brif Weinidog, mae'n rhaid i ni gynllunio ar gyfer y dyfodol hwnnw. Dywedodd Chris Parry, os byddwn ni'n eistedd ac yn gwneud dim, mae'n bosibl iawn y bydd canol ein trefi yn diroedd diffaith yn y degawd nesaf. Felly, mae'n rhaid i ni osgoi hynny ar bob cyfrif. Brif Weinidog, pa gynlluniau sydd gan eich Llywodraeth i gyflymu defnydd cymysg o'n trefi a'n dinasoedd, gan ddisodli siopau sydd wedi cau gyda thai, bwytai, meddygfeydd teulu, a phopeth arall sydd ei angen ar gyfer bywyd trefol gwirioneddol?
I agree, and it comes back to the point I made earlier on—and planning guidance has been changed to reflect this—we do need to make sure that our urban centres are more mixed. Some of them are, some of them are not. People have tended not to live in town centres for some time. We know that there are some businesses that will do well because they don't have online competition. If you're a cafe, there is no online competition. If you are a barber or a hairdresser, there's no online competition. There are some shops that have specialised particularly strongly in some products. They also perhaps have an online shop as well, which helps them to sustain their business. Ultimately, of course, the problem is that people aren't going through the doors as they used to; they're looking elsewhere. How do we look to resolve that? Well, making sure, I think, as well, that people are around in the day. One of the issues is, to my mind, that, in many town centres, shops are open between 9.30 a.m. and 5.30 p.m. when most people are not around, in reality. It's a question of looking again about flexible opening hours so that shopping centres are open, particularly in town centres, when people are actually out of work and back from work and able to shop, rather than having a model that is a model, really, that hasn't really existed for 30 or 40 years, where people would go in and shop during the course of the day because perhaps they weren't in paid employment. Those days have changed, and I think it's important as well that the challenges that exists with the retail sector are met with looking as well at how they can become more flexible in order to cater for the fact that life has changed for most of their customers.
Rwy'n cytuno, ac mae'n dod yn ôl i'r pwynt a wneuthum yn gynharach—ac mae canllawiau cynllunio wedi cael eu newid i adlewyrchu hyn—mae angen i ni wneud yn siŵr bod ein canolfannau trefol yn fwy cymysg. Mae rhai ohonynt, nid yw rhai ohonynt. Mae pobl wedi tueddu i beidio â byw yng nghanol trefi ers cryn amser. Rydym ni'n gwybod bod rhai busnesau a fydd yn gwneud yn dda oherwydd nad oes ganddyn nhw gystadleuaeth ar-lein. Os ydych chi'n gaffi, nid oes cystadleuaeth ar-lein. Os ydych chi'n farbwr neu'n siop trin gwallt, nid oes cystadleuaeth ar-lein. Ceir rhai siopau sydd wedi arbenigo yn arbennig o gryf mewn rhai cynhyrchion. Efallai y bydd ganddyn nhw siop ar-lein hefyd, sy'n eu helpu i gynnal eu busnes. Yn y pen draw, wrth gwrs, y broblem yw nad yw pobl yn mynd drwy'r drysau fel yr oedden nhw; maen nhw'n chwilio mewn mannau eraill. Sut ydym ni'n ceisio datrys hynny? Wel, gwneud yn siŵr, rwy'n credu, hefyd, bod pobl o gwmpas yn ystod y dydd. Un o'r problemau, yn fy marn i, yw bod siopau yng nghanol llawer o drefi ar agor rhwng 9.30 a.m. a 5.30 p.m. pan nad yw'r rhan fwyaf o bobl o gwmpas, mewn gwirionedd. Mae'n gwestiwn o edrych eto ar oriau agor hyblyg fel bod canolfannau siopa ar agor, yn enwedig yng nghanol trefi, pan nad yw pobl yn y gwaith ac yn ôl o'r gwaith ac yn gallu siopa, yn hytrach na chael model sy'n fodel nad yw wedi bodoli ers 30 neu 40 mlynedd mewn gwirionedd, lle byddai pobl yn mynd i mewn i siopa yn ystod y dydd oherwydd efallai nad oedden nhw mewn cyflogaeth. Mae'r dyddiau hynny wedi newid, ac rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig hefyd bod yr heriau sy'n bodoli gyda'r sector manwerthu yn cael eu bodloni trwy ystyried hefyd sut y gallan nhw ddod yn fwy hyblyg er mwyn darparu ar gyfer y ffaith bod bywyd wedi newid i'r rhan fwyaf o'u cwsmeriaid.
3. Pa ddadansoddiad y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi'i wneud o'r cyfleoedd a amlinellir yn astudiaeth achos y Sefydliad Materion Cymreig, 'Swansea Bay City Region: A Renewable Energy Future’? OAQ52429
3. What analysis has the Welsh Government undertaken of the opportunities outlined in the Institute of Welsh Affairs’s case study, 'Swansea Bay City Region: A Renewable Energy Future’? OAQ52429
Well, can I welcome the recent report that IWA produced, under their Re-energising Wales project, on the potential for the region? It will be extremely valuable for us, and particularly for decision makers in the Swansea area, in order to inform the direction of the city deal.
Wel, a gaf i groesawu'r adroddiad diweddar a luniwyd gan y Sefydliad Materion Cymreig, o dan eu prosiect Ail-egnïo Cymru, ar y potensial ar gyfer y rhanbarth? Bydd yn hynod o werthfawr i ni, ac i'r rhai sy'n gwneud penderfyniadau yn ardal Abertawe yn arbennig, er mwyn llywio cyfeiriad y fargen ddinesig.
Thank you, First Minister. Not content with cancelling green trains to Swansea and pulling the plug on subsidies for renewable energy, yesterday the Tory Government pulled the plug on the tidal lagoon, when their own former energy Minister said it would be a no-regrets policy. The Welsh Secretary had the brass neck to tour the TV studios and say that the 30p annual subsidy was expensive, when he's happy to subsidise Hinkley by £12 for every customer a year. So, I think we should call out the hypocrisy of the Tories and the way they've led investors up the garden path who are going to think twice about putting money into innovative technology again. But I think the message of the IWA report is that there is still a possibility for us to lead the way in Wales, and it's for us, as the Welsh Government, to be at the front of that. The case study set out in detail how Wales can meet 100 per cent of its renewable energy demand by 2035 just from green technologies. The city region leaders are supportive. Will the First Minister make sure that the Welsh Government gives its full-throated support to this effort to make sure we still can be leaders in this field?
Diolch, Brif Weinidog. Heb fod yn fodlon gyda chanslo trenau gwyrdd i Abertawe a thynnu'r plwg ar gymorthdaliadau ar gyfer ynni adnewyddadwy, tynnodd y Llywodraeth Dorïaidd y plwg ar y morlyn llanw ddoe, pan ddywedodd eu cyn-Weinidog ynni eu hunain y byddai'n bolisi dim edifeirwch. Roedd yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yn ddigon digywilydd i fynd o gwmpas y stiwdios teledu gan ddweud bod y cymhorthdal blynyddol o 30c yn ddrud, er ei fod yn hapus i roi cymhorthdal o £12 ar gyfer pob cwsmer y flwyddyn i Hinkley. Felly, rwy'n credu y dylem ni dynnu sylw at ragrith y Torïaid a'r ffordd y maen nhw wedi camarwain buddsoddwyr sy'n mynd i feddwl ddwywaith am gyfrannu arian at dechnoleg arloesol eto. Ond rwy'n credu mai neges adroddiad y Sefydliad Materion Cymreig yw bod posibilrwydd o hyd i ni arwain y ffordd yng Nghymru, a'n cyfrifoldeb ni, fel Llywodraeth Cymru, yw bod ar flaen y gad yn hynny o beth. Nododd yr astudiaeth achos yn fanwl sut y gall Cymru fodloni 100 y cant o'i galw am ynni adnewyddadwy erbyn 2035 o dechnolegau gwyrdd yn unig. Mae arweinyddion y dinas-ranbarthau yn gefnogol. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog wneud yn siŵr bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn rhoi ei chefnogaeth mwyaf brwd i'r ymdrech hon i wneud yn siŵr y gallwn ni ddal i fod yn arweinwyr yn y maes hwn?
Yes, and we've already done it, of course, in Pembrokeshire particularly, with projects that we've supported there. I think the problem is that the mood music created around the announcement today is that tidal energy is too expensive. That's the message that's been given. Now, that will apply wherever potential investors are looking at tidal energy projects. If I were a tidal investor now, I'd start thinking twice about investing in the UK, because the UK Government haven't given any encouragement to tidal energy. It's a matter of great regret. What they have said is, 'Well, nuclear is there and offshore wind'—not onshore, but offshore wind is something they want to pursue. The message is that tidal energy is not seen as important by the UK Government, and I regret that very much. Bear in mind that all we were asking for was the same financial deal as was offered to Hinkley. No more than that. We weren't asking for special favours beyond that. If the contract for difference was there in the same way it was for Hinkley, I believe the lagoon could have moved forward, but the UK Government did not accept that, and that is something I know that is a matter for regret not just for Members on this side of the house, but also for Members in other parties as well.
Gwnaf, ac rydym ni wedi ei wneud eisoes, wrth gwrs, yn sir Benfro yn benodol, gyda phrosiectau yr ydym ni wedi eu cefnogi yn y fan honno. Credaf mai'r broblem yw mai'r awyrgylch a grëwyd ynghylch y cyhoeddiad heddiw yw bod ynni'r llanw yn rhy ddrud. Dyna'r neges sydd wedi ei rhoi. Nawr, bydd hynny'n berthnasol lle bynnag y mae darpar fuddsoddwyr yn edrych ar brosiectau ynni'r llanw. Pe bawn i'n fuddsoddwr llanw nawr, byddwn yn dechrau meddwl ddwywaith am fuddsoddi yn y DU, oherwydd nid yw Llywodraeth y DU wedi rhoi unrhyw anogaeth i ynni'r llanw. Mae'n destun gofid mawr. Yr hyn y maen nhw wedi ei ddweud yw, 'Wel, mae niwclear ar gael a gwynt ar y môr'—nid ar y tir, ond mae gwynt ar y môr yn rhywbeth yn maen nhw eisiau ei ystyried. Y neges yw nad yw Llywodraeth y DU o'r farn bod ynni'r llanw yn bwysig, ac rwy'n gresynu hynny'n fawr iawn. Cofiwch mai'r cwbl yr oeddem ni'n gofyn amdano oedd yr un cytundeb ariannol ag a gynigiwyd i Hinkley. Dim mwy na hynny. Nid oeddem ni'n gofyn am ffafrau arbennig y tu hwnt i hynny. Pe byddai'r contract ar gyfer gwahaniaeth yno yn yr un modd ag yr oedd ar gyfer Hinkley, rwy'n credu y gallai'r morlyn llanw fod wedi symud ymlaen, ond nid oedd Llywodraeth y DU yn derbyn hynny, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth y gwn sy'n destun gofid nid yn unig i Aelodau ar yr ochr hon i'r tŷ, ond hefyd i Aelodau yn y pleidiau eraill hefyd.
It was my understanding that Ministers made it clear that the door was still open on tidal energy and future discussions on that. But let's talk about something that we can do something about more quickly, and that is rapid and fast electrical vehicle charging points. The same report mentioned that Wales is behind the rest of the UK in the number of charging points available, and suggested as a key action that increasing the number of charging points at major transport nodes, park and rides and tourist attractions should happen fairly quickly. Now, Swansea bay city region is awash with these types of locations, and, as the role of transport within the city deal area is something we're all talking about now, including local businesses, can you tell me whether the money you've given for scoping out the South Wales West metro includes perhaps increasing the number of electrical charging points in the bay, and have you had any further conversations with Ford about whether they're considering electric car production within the South Wales West region?
Fy nealltwriaeth i oedd bod Gweinidogion wedi ei gwneud yn eglur bod y drws yn dal i fod ar agor i ynni'r llanw a thrafodaethau ynghylch hynny yn y dyfodol. Ond gadewch i ni siarad am rywbeth y gallwn ni wneud rhywbeth yn ei gylch yn gyflymach, sef pwyntiau gwefru cerbydau trydanol cyflym. Dywedodd yr un adroddiad bod Cymru y tu ôl i weddill y DU o ran nifer y pwyntiau gwefru sydd ar gael, ac awgrymodd fel cam gweithredu allweddol y dylai cynyddu nifer y pwyntiau gwefru ar nodau trafnidiaeth mawr, mannau parcio a theithio ac atyniadau i dwristiaid ddigwydd yn weddol gyflym. Nawr, mae dinas-ranbarth bae Abertawe yn llawn o'r mathau hyn o leoliadau, a, chan fod swyddogaeth trafnidiaeth o fewn ardal y fargen ddinesig yn rhywbeth yr ydym ni i gyd yn sôn amdano nawr, gan gynnwys busnesau lleol, a allwch chi ddweud wrthyf a yw'r arian yr ydych chi wedi ei roi ar gyfer cwmpasu metro Gorllewin De Cymru yn cynnwys efallai cynyddu nifer y pwyntiau gwefru trydanol yn y bae, ac a ydych chi wedi cael unrhyw sgyrsiau pellach gyda Ford ynghylch pa un a ydyn nhw'n ystyried cynhyrchu ceir trydanol yn rhanbarth Gorllewin De Cymru?
Sorry, I missed the last point.
Mae'n ddrwg gen i, collais i'r pwynt olaf.
Oh—whether you've had any conversations with Ford about electric car production in South Wales West.
O—a ydych chi wedi cael unrhyw sgyrsiau gyda Ford am gynhyrchu ceir trydanol yng Ngorllewin De Cymru.
Well, there have been discussions with Ford on a number of potential opportunities. To my mind, battery production is where the future lies. The technology's not far away when batteries will become far better used. I suspect that the step change will come if the day comes when people are physically able to take a battery out of the car that has discharged and then able to put one in that has been charged, so there's no delay in terms of the charge. We're a long way from that point at the moment, because the batteries are huge.
In terms of charging points, Tesla, of course, have invested heavily in charging points, but the reality is that there are very few Teslas on the road. There are charging points available in, I think, almost every service station at the moment as well. A number of retailers, like Ikea, for example, have charging points as well in the shops, and it is possible to—. There is an app available that gives you an idea of where all the charging points are. So, we want to roll out charging points across Wales. We know how important that is, and that is something that will be a priority for us as a Government.
Wel, bu trafodaethau gyda Ford ar nifer o gyfleoedd posibl. Cynhyrchu batris yw'r dyfodol yn fy marn i. Nid yw'r dechnoleg yn bell i ffwrdd pan fydd batris yn cael eu defnyddio'n llawer gwell. Rwy'n amau y bydd newid sylweddol yn dod os daw y dydd pan fydd pobl yn gallu cymryd batri gwag allan o'r car yn ei grynswth ac yna'n gallu rhoi un i mewn sydd wedi ei wefru, fel nad oes unrhyw oedi o ran y wefr. Rydym ni ymhell o'r pwynt hwnnw ar hyn o bryd, gan fod y batris yn enfawr.
O ran pwyntiau gwefru, mae Tesla, wrth gwrs, wedi buddsoddi'n drwm mewn pwyntiau gwefru, ond y gwir amdani yw mai ychydig iawn o geir Tesla sydd ar y ffordd. Mae pwyntiau gwefru ar gael, rwy'n credu, yn bron bob gorsaf wasanaeth ar hyn o bryd hefyd. Mae gan nifer o fanwerthwyr, fel Ikea, er enghraifft, bwyntiau gwefru yn y siopau hefyd, ac mae'n bosibl—. Mae ap ar gael sy'n rhoi syniad i chi o ble mae'r holl bwyntiau gwefru. Felly, rydym ni eisiau cyflwyno pwyntiau gwefru ledled Cymru. Rydym ni'n gwybod pa mor bwysig yw hynny, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth a fydd yn flaenoriaeth i ni fel Llywodraeth.
The IWA report on the Swansea bay region certainly sets out an exciting vision of the region's energy future. Taking ownership and control is a theme that runs throughout that report, as you know, and it clearly shows that the growth of renewable energy projects in Wales is still dependent, to a large extent, on Westminster. Yesterday certainly proved that point, as regards the tidal lagoon decision.
In view of your earlier comments to Leanne Wood, we look forward to your full support tomorrow in the vote of no confidence in the Secretary of State for Wales. But notwithstanding, whilst the Wales Act 2017 transfers some new powers to Wales for projects generating less than 350 MW, for example, do you now believe that Wales should, as Scotland has, have a greater influence over the strategy to develop offshore wind and marine energy technology as well as setting subsidy levels and priorities for supporting community energy and energy efficiency schemes?
Mae adroddiad y Sefydliad Materion Cymreig ar ranbarth bae Abertawe yn sicr yn cynnig gweledigaeth gyffrous o ddyfodol ynni'r rhanbarth. Mae cymryd cyfrifoldeb a rheolaeth yn thema sy'n rhedeg drwy'r adroddiad hwnnw, fel y gwyddoch, ac mae'n dangos yn eglur bod twf prosiectau ynni adnewyddadwy yng Nghymru yn dal yn ddibynnol, i raddau helaeth, ar San Steffan. Profwyd y pwynt hwnnw ddoe, yn sicr, o ran y penderfyniad ynghylch y morlyn llanw.
Yng ngoleuni eich sylwadau cynharach i Leanne Wood, edrychwn ymlaen at eich cefnogaeth lawn yfory yn y bleidlais o ddiffyg hyder yn Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru. Ond er gwaethaf hynny, tra bod Deddf Cymru 2017 yn trosglwyddo rhai pwerau newydd i Gymru ar gyfer prosiectau sy'n cynhyrchu llai na 350 MW, er enghraifft, a ydych chi bellach yn credu y dylai fod gan Gymru, fel y mae gan yr Alban, fwy o ddylanwad dros y strategaeth i ddatblygu ynni gwynt ar y môr a thechnoleg ynni morol yn ogystal â phennu lefelau cymhorthdal a blaenoriaethau ar gyfer cefnogi ynni cymunedol a chynlluniau effeithlonrwydd ynni?
Yes, but we still wouldn't control the market. That's the issue—the GB energy market. We need to have a Government in London that sees renewable energy as important and is willing to make the investments in renewable energy that are going to be needed for the future. That is not the case at the moment. What we've seen over the years are solar panels having their subsidies removed, the same for onshore wind, and now what we have is a situation where the UK Government has limited itself to a small number of ways of generating energy. They need to be more expansive than that, and be far bolder in terms of supporting projects like the tidal lagoon.
Ydw, ond ni fyddem ni'n rheoli'r farchnad o hyd. Dyna'r broblem—marchnad ynni Prydain Fawr. Mae angen i ni gael Llywodraeth yn Llundain sy'n credu bod ynni adnewyddadwy yn bwysig ac sy'n barod i wneud y buddsoddiadau mewn ynni adnewyddadwy a fydd eu hangen ar gyfer y dyfodol. Nid yw hynny'n wir ar hyn o bryd. Yr hyn yr ydym ni wedi ei weld dros y blynyddoedd yw tynnu cymorthdaliadau ar gyfer paneli solar yn ôl, yr un fath ar gyfer gwynt ar y tir, a'r hyn sydd gennym ni nawr yw sefyllfa lle mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi cyfyngu ei hun i nifer fach o ffyrdd o gynhyrchu ynni. Mae angen iddyn nhw fod yn fwy eang na hynny, a bod yn llawer mwy beiddgar o ran cefnogi prosiectau fel y morlyn llanw.
4. Pa gamau y mae Llywodraeth Cymru'n eu cymryd i gefnogi'r economi hydrogen yng Nghymru? OAQ52431
4. What steps is the Welsh Government taking to support the hydrogen economy in Wales? OAQ52431
Mae potensial mawr gyda hydrogen i chwarae rôl bwysig yn ein heconomi, gan ei fod yn ddefnyddiol o ran gwres, pŵer a thrafnidiaeth. Mae nifer o fentrau Llywodraeth Cymru yn edrych ar y cyfleoedd i ddefnyddio hydrogen yng Nghymru i wella ein dealltwriaeth o'i botensial.
Hydrogen has the potential, in terms of power, transport and heat, to play an important role. Several Welsh Government initiatives are exploring hydrogen opportunities in Wales to improve our understanding of its potential.
Diolch am yr ateb, ond, wyth mlynedd yn ôl, fe gyhoeddodd Peter Hain a Jane Davidson y byddai'r M4 yn dod yn briffordd hydrogen i Gymru, a byddai, erbyn hyn—ers dwy flynedd, a dweud y gwir—restr o lefydd i storio hydrogen, i ddefnyddio hydrogen, fel rhan o drafnidiaeth a oedd yn cael ei datgarboneiddio. Nid ŷm ni wedi gweld y freuddwyd yna wedi'i gwireddu ac nid ŷm ni wedi gweld nemor ddim yn symud ymlaen yn ystod y blynyddoedd diwethaf i ddatblygu potensial hydrogen. Rŷm ni newydd fod yn trafod, drwy'r bore yma, datgarboneiddio economi Cymru. Dyma dechnoleg a ddyfeisiwyd yng Nghymru, lle mae yna ymchwil, ar hyn o bryd, yn digwydd ym Maglan a llefydd tebyg, lle mae yna gyfle euraidd i Lywodraeth Cymru nid yn unig i arwain yng Nghymru, ond i arwain yn rhyngwladol. A wnewch chi fanteisio ar y cyfle yma i fod, fel y dywedoch chi wrth Leanne Wood, yn bold and brave?
Thank you for that response, but, eight years ago, Peter Hain and Jane Davidson announced that the M4 would become a hydrogen highway for Wales and, by now—for two years, in fact—there would have been a list of places where hydrogen could be stored and used as part of decarbonised transport. We haven’t seen that dream realised and we’ve seen virtually no progress over the past few years in developing the potential of hydrogen. We have, this morning, been discussing decarbonising the Welsh economy. This is technology devised in Wales, where research is currently happening in Baglan and elsewhere, where there is a golden opportunity for the Welsh Government not only to lead in Wales but also to lead internationally. Will you take that opportunity to be, as you said to Leanne Wood, bold and brave?
Mi ydym ni. Mae yna grŵp cyfeirio wedi cael ei sefydlu er mwyn arwain y ffordd rŷm ni'n meddwl ynglŷn â hydrogen yn y pen draw. Rŷm ni wedi bod yn sicrhau bod yna adnoddau ar gael er mwyn dangos fel y bydd y dechnoleg yn gweithio. Mi wnaethom ni gomisiynu astudiaeth i edrych ar gyfleoedd hydrogen yn Rhondda Cynon Taf ddwy flynedd yn ôl ac mae argymhellion yr adroddiad hwnnw yn cael eu hystyried ar hyn o bryd er mwyn gweld sut y byddan nhw'n gweithio. Rŷm ni'n helpu Cyngor Sir Fynwy, er enghraifft, i edrych ar gyfleon i adeiladu ar Riversimple, sef cais sy'n cymryd lle yn eu hardal nhw ynglŷn ag edrych ar danwydd cynaliadwy, a hefyd, wrth gwrs, gweld fel y bydd hynny'n digwydd. Mae £2 miliwn wedi cael ei roi i Riversimple. Mae hynny'n dangos, wrth gwrs, ein cefnogaeth ni o ran cefnogi'r economi carbon isel lleol. Ac, wrth gwrs, rŷm ni hefyd yn gweithio gyda Chyngor Sir Penfro a phorthladd Aberdaugleddau er mwyn datblygu ardal sero-garbon yn ardal Aberdaugleddau. So, mae sawl peth wedi cael eu cefnogi lan at nawr ac, wrth gwrs, mae llawer o botensial ar gael gyda'r gwaith ymchwil hefyd. Mae rhaglen Sêr Cymru yn cyllido gwaith ymchwil ym Mhrifysgol Abertawe ynglŷn â thanwydd hydrogen ar gyfer cerbydau ac mae Prifysgol Caerdydd hefyd yn edrych ar waith ymchwil ynglŷn â thechnoleg i greu hydrogen gwyrdd yn y pen draw.
We are. A reference group has been established to lead our thinking on hydrogen. We have been ensuring that resources are available to show how the technology will work. We commissioned a study to look at opportunities with hydrogen in Rhondda Cynon Taf two years ago and recommendations of that report are being considered at the moment to see how they will work. We are helping Monmouthshire County Council, for example, to look at opportunities to build on Riversimple, which is an application happening in their area looking at sustainable fuel and, of course, looking at how that will happen. A sum of £2 million has been given to Riversimple. That shows our support in terms of supporting the low-carbon economy on a local level. Of course, we’re working with Pembrokeshire council and Milford Haven port in order to develop a zero-carbon area in the Milford Haven area. So, quite a number of things are being supported and, of course, there’s a lot of potential available with research. Sêr Cymru is funding research in Swansea University on the use of hydrogen in vehicles and Cardiff University is also looking at research in terms of technology to create green hydrogen.
First Minister, there have been concerns expressed from some quarters that we may be putting all our eggs in the electric basket and the electrification basket in terms of rail and cars at the very point when some countries are moving fast towards a hydrogen economy. I suspect that, over the medium term, it will be a mixture of both that will provide the carbon reductions that we need. Will you undertake that you will look, in the first instance, for exploring the potential for hydrogen fuel on freight, railways and buses? I think it was Simon Thomas who mentioned the M4 as a potential hydrogen highway. And looking beyond that, clearly, we are moving down the line of electric vehicles at the moment. There were all sorts of issues with providing electric charging points in the early days of electric cars, and there are still some issues there. In the future, hydrogen cars might be much more of a reality. Have you done any provisional work in terms of developing our highways, developing the infrastructure for a potential hydrogen future, not just in the case of trains and buses, but also in the case of cars as well?
Brif Weinidog, mynegwyd pryderon gan rai ein bod ni efallai'n rhoi ein hwyau i gyd yn y fasged drydan a'r fasged drydaneiddio o ran rheilffyrdd a cheir, ar yr union adeg pan fo rhai gwledydd yn symud yn gyflym tuag at economi hydrogen. Rwy'n amau, dros y tymor canolig, mai cymysgedd o'r ddau fydd yn darparu'r gostyngiadau carbon sydd eu hangen arnom ni. A wnewch chi addo y gwnewch chi edrych, yn y lle cyntaf, ar archwilio'r potensial ar gyfer tanwydd hydrogen ar gludwyr nwyddau, rheilffyrdd a bysiau? Rwy'n credu mai Simon Thomas gyfeiriodd at yr M4 fel priffordd hydrogen bosibl. A chan edrych y tu hwnt i hynny, yn amlwg, rydym ni'n mynd ar drywydd cerbydau trydan ar hyn o bryd. Roedd pob math o broblemau gyda darparu pwyntiau gwefru trydan yn nyddiau cynnar ceir trydan, a cheir rhai problemau o hyd yn hynny o beth. Yn y dyfodol, efallai y bydd ceir hydrogen yn llawer mwy o realiti. A ydych chi wedi gwneud unrhyw waith rhagarweiniol o ran datblygu ein priffyrdd, datblygu'r seilwaith ar gyfer dyfodol hydrogen posibl, nid yn unig yn achos trenau a bysiau, ond yn achos ceir hefyd?
If I remember rightly, the hydrogen fuel cell was invented in Wales. So, in some ways, we've stolen the march there and we must make sure that we continue to be at the forefront of this technology. We did look at the option of hydrogen technology with the train bidders during the procurement process. That wasn't something that we could take forward at this stage, but we'll continue to look at how the network can innovate in the future. If we look, for example, at the research I made reference to earlier on—the research work at Swansea University and Cardiff University—looking at how we can develop hydrogen in the future as well, it's hugely important for us to be ahead of the game in Wales in terms of the scientific research. I think there are great opportunities there, in the future, in terms of developing hydrogen as a fuel, and he will be aware, of course, of Riversimple, the trial that took place in Monmouthshire. Again, it's a question of supporting the research and supporting the trials to move the technology forward, and we'll continue to do that.
Os cofiaf yn iawn, dyfeisiwyd y gell tanwydd hydrogen yng Nghymru. Felly, mewn rhai ffyrdd, rydym ni wedi achub y blaen yn hynny o beth ac mae'n rhaid i ni wneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n parhau i fod ar flaen y gad o ran y dechnoleg hon. Ystyriwyd y dewis o dechnoleg hydrogen gennym gyda'r cynigwyr trenau yn ystod y broses gaffael. Nid oedd hynny'n rhywbeth y gallem ni fwrw ymlaen ag ef ar hyn o bryd, ond byddwn yn parhau i edrych ar sut y gall y rhwydwaith arloesi yn y dyfodol. Os edrychwn ni, er enghraifft, ar y gwaith ymchwil y cyfeiriais i ato'n gynharach—y gwaith ymchwil ym Mhrifysgol Abertawe a Phrifysgol Caerdydd—yn ystyried sut y gallwn ni ddatblygu hydrogen yn y dyfodol hefyd, mae'n hynod bwysig i ni fod ar flaen y gad yng Nghymru o ran yr ymchwil gwyddonol. Rwy'n credu bod cyfleoedd gwych ar gael, yn y dyfodol, o ran datblygu hydrogen fel tanwydd, a bydd ef yn ymwybodol, wrth gwrs, o Riversimple, yr arbrawf a gynhaliwyd yn sir Fynwy. Unwaith eto, mae'n gwestiwn o gefnogi'r gwaith ymchwil a chefnogi'r arbrofion i symud y dechnoleg yn ei blaen, a byddwn yn parhau i wneud hynny.
5. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am weithredu cynlluniau datblygu lleol yng Nghanol De Cymru? OAQ52430
5. Will the First Minister provide an update on the implementation of local development plans in South Wales Central? OAQ52430
There's complete coverage of local development plans in the South Wales Central region. The implementation, of course, of local development plans is the responsibility of each respective local planning authority.
Mae'r holl gynlluniau datblygu lleol yn rhanbarth Canol De Cymru wedi eu cwblhau. Cyfrifoldeb pob awdurdod cynllunio lleol perthnasol yw gweithredu cynlluniau datblygu lleol, wrth gwrs.
Diolch. I didn't really expect a proper answer, so I'm going to give you an update on the LDP in Cardiff on behalf of residents, because your local development plan is bringing absolute chaos. Traffic jams already go on for miles, and yet there will be over 10,000 extra cars on those roads that are already rammed. There's no new infrastructure in place, no new public transport, and communities will be suffocated with dirty and polluted air. GP surgeries are about to have thousands of extra patients when they are already at breaking point. New places will not be provided in doctors' surgeries or hospitals until 3,000 houses are built. You denied announcing that all this would take place. Your councillors stood in green fields pledging to protect them; those very same green fields are now full of bulldozers. Do you accept that you and your party have a very strange relationship with the truth?
Diolch. Doeddwn i ddim yn disgwyl ateb iawn mewn gwirionedd, felly rwy'n mynd i roi'r newyddion diweddaraf i chi am y CDLl yng Nghaerdydd ar ran trigolion, oherwydd mae eich cynllun datblygu lleol yn creu anhrefn llwyr. Mae tagfeydd traffig eisoes yn mynd ymlaen am filltiroedd, ac eto bydd dros 10,000 o geir ychwanegol ar y ffyrdd hynny sydd eisoes yn orlawn. Nid oes unrhyw seilwaith newydd ar waith, dim trafnidiaeth gyhoeddus newydd, a bydd cymunedau yn cael eu mygu gan aer brwnt a llygredig. Mae meddygfeydd teulu ar fin cael miloedd o gleifion ychwanegol pan eu bod wedi cyrraedd pen eu tennyn eisoes. Ni fydd lleoedd newydd yn cael eu darparu mewn meddygfeydd teulu nac ysbytai tan i 3,000 o dai gael eu hadeiladu. Fe wnaethoch chi wadu cyhoeddi y byddai hyn i gyd yn digwydd. Safodd eich cynghorwyr mewn caeau gwyrdd yn addo eu hamddiffyn; mae'r un caeau gwyrdd hynny yn llawn teirw dur erbyn hyn. A ydych chi'n derbyn bod gennych chi a'ch plaid berthynas ryfedd iawn â'r gwir?
I'm sorry; I don't know what the allegation was there, Llywydd. I'd like a ruling, please.
Mae'n ddrwg gen i; nid wyf i'n gwybod beth oedd yr honiad yn y fan yna, Llywydd. Hoffwn i gael dyfarniad, os gwelwch yn dda.
Well, if you fail to understand the allegation, you can't answer the question. Thank you. Andrew R.T. Davies.
Wel, os nad ydych chi'n gallu deall yr honiad, ni allwch chi ateb y cwestiwn. Diolch. Andrew R.T. Davies.
First Minister, in relation to LDPs, it is really important that, obviously, local people's voices are heard in the process. There does appear in the current system to be a disconnect with the ability for local people to feel they're having an influence in the development of LDPs. I appreciate that that's a responsibility for local authorities, but ultimately the Welsh Government signs those LDPs off. Where do you think real improvements can be made in the process so that local communities do not feel that they are excluded from the development of plans that are supposed to govern the development of their own communities?
Brif Weinidog, o ran CDLlau, mae'n bwysig iawn, yn amlwg, bod lleisiau pobl leol yn cael eu clywed yn y broses. Mae'n ymddangos yn y system bresennol fod diffyg cysylltiad â'r gallu i bobl leol deimlo bod ganddyn nhw ddylanwad yn natblygiad CDLlau. Rwy'n sylweddoli mai cyfrifoldeb awdurdodau lleol yw hwnnw, ond mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn cadarnhau'r CDLlau hynny yn y pen draw. Ble ydych chi'n credu y gellir gwneud gwelliannau gwirioneddol yn y broses fel nad yw cymunedau lleol yn teimlo eu bod yn cael eu heithrio o ddatblygiad cynlluniau sydd i fod i lywodraethu datblygiad eu cymunedau eu hunain?
I think what's key is that people are involved in the LDP development process at the start. He will know, I'm sure—and I've had the same experience—that people will object to a planning application when, in fact, the land has already been allocated in a development plan for a particular purpose, at which point, of course, it's too late in the day to bring forward the objections that they would want. So, I would expect local authorities to be fully engaged with the local community in the development of a local development plan.
It is hugely important now that we move on to strategic development plans. One of the issues that is correct in Cardiff is that Cardiff is a popular place to live. There is a need for more housing, otherwise house prices will go up to a point where people will be forced out of the city in order to live. There are real challenges in terms of infrastructure—that much is true—which is why it's hugely important that in the south-east of our country we see the development of a strategic development plan that looks at a much larger area, rather than thinking that local authorities can only look at their own areas when it comes to setting out a development plan. That's not how the economy works—we know that—and that's where the next stage of planning must go.
Rwy'n credu mai'r hyn sy'n allweddol yw bod pobl yn cymryd rhan yn y broses o ddatblygu CDLl ar y dechrau. Bydd ef yn gwybod, rwy'n siŵr—ac rwyf i wedi cael yr un profiad—y bydd pobl yn gwrthwynebu cais cynllunio pan, mewn gwirionedd, mae'r tir eisoes wedi ei ddyrannu mewn cynllun datblygu at ddiben penodol, ac erbyn hynny, wrth gwrs, mae'n rhy hwyr i gyflwyno'r gwrthwynebiadau y bydden nhw'n dymuno eu cyflwyno. Felly, byddwn i'n disgwyl i awdurdodau lleol ymgysylltu'n llawn â'r gymuned leol yn natblygiad cynllun datblygu lleol.
Mae'n hynod bwysig nawr ein bod ni'n symud ymlaen i gynlluniau datblygu strategol. Un o'r problemau sy'n wir yng Nghaerdydd yw bod Caerdydd yn lle poblogaidd i fyw ynddo. Mae angen mwy o dai, fel arall bydd prisiau tai yn cynyddu i lefel lle bydd pobl yn cael eu gorfodi i symud allan o'r ddinas er mwyn gallu byw. Ceir heriau gwirioneddol o ran seilwaith—mae hynny'n wir—a dyna pam mae'n bwysig dros ben ein bod ni'n gweld datblygiad cynllun datblygu strategol yn ne-ddwyrain ein gwlad sy'n ystyried ardal fwy o lawer, yn hytrach na meddwl y gall awdurdodau lleol edrych ar eu hardaloedd eu hunain yn unig pan ddaw i gyflwyno cynllun datblygu. Nid dyna sut y mae'r economi yn gweithio—rydym ni'n gwybod hynny—a dyna'r cyfeiriad y mae'n rhaid i'r cam nesaf o gynllunio fynd iddo.
I agree with the First Minister; I think strategic development plans are the answer. I'd go further to say that LDPs fail to deliver within their boundaries in areas like South Wales Central, and those authorities that stand against them then find themselves victim to speculative planning applications, where chief inspectors overturn democratically elected councillors on appeal, which is why I would praise the Welsh Government for its proposal to temporarily disapply paragraph 6.2 of technical advice note 1, the advice note to planning inspectors, relating to the provision of the weighting of a five-year housing land supply. I've written my own response to the consultation supporting it. However, I was disappointed to receive a letter recently from the Home Builders Federation, which went to other Assembly Members, opposing the Welsh Government's plans. I feel that the Home Builders Federation are far too keen to support the cartel of large house builders, and the planning system is stacked in their favour. They deliver barely any affordable housing. I think the Home Builders Federation need to rethink their position. Would the First Minister agree that we need to look at how we develop small and medium-sized house builders, who have far more of a focus on their local communities than the needs of the market? Will he stand firm against lobbying groups who have vested interests?
Rwy'n cytuno gyda'r Prif Weinidog; rwy'n credu mai cynlluniau datblygu strategol yw'r ateb. Byddwn yn mynd ymhellach a dweud bod CDLlau yn methu â chyflawni o fewn eu ffiniau mewn ardaloedd fel Canol De Cymru, a'r awdurdodau hynny sy'n sefyll yn eu herbyn ac yna'n canfod eu hunain yn dioddef ceisiadau cynllunio hapfasnachol, pan fo prif arolygwyr yn gwrthdroi cynghorwyr a etholwyd yn ddemocrataidd ar apêl, a dyna pam y byddwn yn canmol Llywodraeth Cymru am ei chynnig i ddatgymhwyso dros dro paragraff 6.2 nodyn cyngor technegol 1, y nodyn cyngor i arolygwyr cynllunio, yn ymwneud â darpariaeth y pwysoliad o gyflenwad tir tai dros bum mlynedd. Rwyf i wedi ysgrifennu fy ymateb fy hun i'r ymgynghoriad yn ei gefnogi. Fodd bynnag, roeddwn i'n siomedig o dderbyn llythyr yn ddiweddar gan y Ffederasiwn Adeiladwyr Cartrefi, a aeth i Aelodau Cynulliad eraill, yn gwrthwynebu cynlluniau Llywodraeth Cymru. Teimlaf fod y Ffederasiwn Adeiladwyr Cartrefi yn llawer rhy awyddus i gefnogi'r cartél o adeiladwyr tai mawr, a bod y system gynllunio wedi ei phwysoli o'u plaid. Prin yw'r tai fforddiadwy y maen nhw'n eu darparu. Rwy'n credu bod angen i'r Ffederasiwn Adeiladwyr Cartrefi ailystyried eu safbwynt. A fyddai'r Prif Weinidog yn cytuno bod angen i ni edrych ar sut y gallwn ddatblygu adeiladwyr tai bach a chanolig eu maint, sydd â llawer mwy o bwyslais ar eu cymunedau lleol nag ar anghenion y farchnad? A wnaiff ef sefyll yn gadarn yn erbyn grwpiau lobïo sydd â'u buddiannau eu hunain?
It's hugely important that we have a planning system that works as effectively as it can. He's right to report that a consultation has taken place on the disapplication of paragraph 6.2 of TAN 1. We're considering the evidence on that now. But there is here a responsibility on local authorities as well, because it is important that local authorities agree governance arrangements to move on rapidly to progress a strategic development plan.
The difficulty is, of course, that local authorities will look at producing a development plan for their own areas. The reality is that people will live in their area and work somewhere else. If you look at my own constituency, many thousands of people work in Cardiff and happen to live in Bridgend. To suggest that, somehow, you can have a development plan in Bridgend that's wholly separate to that of the Vale of Glamorgan or Cardiff really doesn't work, because in reality it's one large area.
So, it is important now—. He will know the pressures, of course, in Caerphilly, as he's mentioned them many, many times. It is hugely important now that local authorities do now get together and do decide who is going to take forward the strategic development plan, in order to make sure that there's a greater distribution of people around the area. Otherwise, it's right to say that most of the development, I suspect, will fall on Cardiff, it'll fall on southern Caerphilly, and we need to make sure that a strategic development plan is in place to make sure that there is not overdevelopment in some parts of south-east Wales when, in fact, there might be opportunities elsewhere.
Mae'n bwysig dros ben bod gennym ni system gynllunio sy'n gweithio mor effeithiol â phosibl. Mae e'n iawn i hysbysu bod ymgynghoriad wedi ei gynnal ar ddatgymhwyso paragraff 6.2 Nodyn Cyngor Technegol 1. Rydym ni'n ystyried y dystiolaeth ar hynny ar hyn o bryd. Ond mae cyfrifoldeb yn y fan yma ar awdurdodau lleol hefyd, gan ei bod hi'n bwysig bod awdurdodau lleol yn cytuno trefniadau llywodraethu i symud ymlaen yn gyflym i gynllun datblygu strategol.
Yr anhawster, wrth gwrs, yw y bydd awdurdodau lleol yn ceisio llunio cynllun datblygu ar gyfer eu hardaloedd eu hunain. Y gwir amdani yw y bydd pobl yn byw yn eu hardaloedd ac yn gweithio yn rhywle arall. Os edrychwch chi ar fy etholaeth i fy hun, mae miloedd lawer o bobl yn gweithio yng Nghaerdydd ac yn digwydd bod yn byw ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr. Nid yw awgrymu, rywsut, y gallwch chi fod â chynllun datblygu ym Mhen-y-bont ar Ogwr sy'n gwbl ar wahân i rai Bro Morgannwg neu Gaerdydd yn gweithio mewn gwirionedd, gan mai un ardal fawr yw hi mewn gwirionedd.
Felly, mae'n bwysig nawr—. Bydd ef yn ymwybodol o'r pwysau, wrth gwrs, yng Nghaerffili, gan ei fod wedi sôn amdanyn nhw lawer gwaith o'r blaen. Mae'n hynod bwysig nawr bod awdurdodau lleol yn dod at ei gilydd ac yn penderfynu pwy sy'n mynd i fwrw ymlaen â'r cynllun datblygu strategol, er mwyn gwneud yn siŵr bod dosbarthiad mwy o bobl o gwmpas yr ardal. Fel arall, mae'n iawn i ddweud y bydd y rhan fwyaf o'r datblygiad, rwy'n amau, yn digwydd yng Nghaerdydd, yn digwydd yn ne Caerffili, ac mae angen i ni wneud yn siŵr bod cynllun datblygu strategol ar waith i wneud yn siŵr nad oes gorddatblygu mewn rhai rhannau o'r de-ddwyrain, pan, mewn gwirionedd, y gallai fod cyfleoedd mewn mannau eraill.
6. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog amlinellu nifer y derbyniadau o ganlyniad i glefyd rhwystrol cronig yr ysgyfaint i adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys rhwng 2016 a 2017? OAQ52405
6. Will the First Minister outline the number of admissions resulting from chronic obstructive pulmonary disease to accident and emergency departments from 2016 to 2017? OAQ52405
Nid yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn casglu data yn rheolaidd ar nifer y derbyniadau i adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys sy’n ymwneud â chlefyd rhwystrol cronig yr ysgyfaint. Fodd bynnag, mae gwybodaeth o gronfa ddata cyfnodau gofal cleifion Cymru yn dangos y cafwyd 5,044 o dderbyniadau yn 2015 a 4,768 o dderbyniadau yn 2016—gostyngiad, felly, o 5.5%.
Data on the number of COPD-related admissions to emergency departments is not routinely collected by the Welsh Government. However, information from the patient episode database for Wales indicates there were 5,044 admissions in 2015 and 4,768 admissions in 2016—a fall of 5.5 per cent.
Diolch am hynny. Fel rydych wedi ei grybwyll, mae'r data yn dangos bod yna fwy o dderbyniadau i adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys nag sydd wedi bod yn hanesyddol, ac mae yna angen clir i sicrhau mynediad at wasanaethau adsefydlu cleifion yr ysgyfaint, felly, a hefyd i'w harallgyfeirio nhw a chefnogi cleifion i wneud ymarfer corff. Felly, beth mwy ydych chi fel Llywodraeth yn mynd i'w wneud i sicrhau bod gan gleifion ar draws Cymru fynediad at y triniaethau yma er mwyn lleihau'r risg o'u cyflwr yn gwaethygu, ac arwain at dderbyniadau diangen felly i adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys?
Thank you for that. Of course, as you’ve mentioned, the data shows that there are more admissions to accident and emergency departments than have been historically, and there is a clear need to ensure access to rehabilitation services for these patients, and also to refer them and support patients to take part in exercise. So, what more are you doing as a Government to ensure that patients across Wales have access to these treatments, in order to reduce the risk of their condition getting worse, and resulting in unnecessary admissions to A&E departments?
Mae yna lwybr newydd yn cael ei ddatblygu ar hyn o bryd er mwyn helpu pobl gyda COPD i ystyried gweithgareddau ynglŷn ag ymarfer er mwyn iddynt allu rheoli'r cyflwr maen nhw'n ffeindio'u hunain ynddo. Mae hynny'n meddwl ystyried cyrsiau er mwyn helpu pobl i gael yr ymarfer sydd ei eisiau arnyn nhw, pobl i'w dysgu nhw sut i ymarfer hefyd ac, wrth gwrs, eu hybu nhw ynglŷn â sicrhau eu bod nhw'n edrych ar ffyrdd newydd i ddelio gyda'r clwy sydd gyda nhw, yn lle eu bod nhw'n teimlo drwy'r amser bod rhaid iddyn nhw fynd i'r ysbyty. So, dyna lle rwy'n credu mae'n rhaid i'r gwaith ddigwydd.
A new pathway is being developed at the moment to assist people with COPD to consider activities in terms of exercise, so that they can manage their condition. That means courses to help people have the exercise that they require, people to teach them how to exercise, and also to encourage them to exercise and to ensure that they look at new ways of managing the condition that they have, rather than constantly feeling that they have to go to hospital. So, I think that’s where the work needs to happen.
Of course, First Minister, I'm sure you'll agree that it's not just a new pathway we need, but people with the passion and commitment to deliver it in a really proactive way. Just recently, I made it my business to go and meet Louise Walby, who was this year's Royal College of Nursing nurse of the year, because Louise has in Cwm Taf developed an excellent programme for dealing with people with COPD. It's gained a lot of traction within Cwm Taf, and she's very keen to, obviously, spread that best message out across all of Wales, because it is innovative, it is kind to the patient, and it really brings people on board in a non-hectoring, non-lecturing way. What can you do as a Government to ensure that these very small green shoots that pop up in the NHS, full of great ideas, do get that opportunity to grow and to spread that best practice, so that everybody can benefit from the experience of a nurse such as Louise Walby?
Wrth gwrs, Brif Weinidog, rwy'n siŵr y gwnewch chi gytuno nad llwybr newydd yn unig sydd ei angen arnom ni, ond pobl â'r angerdd a'r ymrwymiad i'w ddarparu mewn ffordd wirioneddol ragweithiol. Dim ond yn ddiweddar, cymerais arnaf fy hun i fynd i gyfarfod â Louise Walby, sef nyrs y flwyddyn y Coleg Nyrsio Brenhinol eleni, gan fod Louise wedi datblygu rhaglen ardderchog yng Nghwm Taf ar gyfer ymdrin â phobl â COPD. Mae wedi cael llawer o sylw o fewn Cwm Taf, ac mae'n awyddus iawn, yn amlwg, i ledaenu'r neges honno allan ledled Cymru gyfan, gan ei bod yn arloesol, yn garedig i'r claf, ac mae wir yn cynnwys pobl mewn ffordd nad yw'n rhefru ar bobl, nad yw'n pregethu wrthynt. Beth allwch chi ei wneud fel Llywodraeth i sicrhau bod yr egin bychain iawn hyn sy'n ymddangos yn y GIG, yn llawn syniadau gwych, yn cael y cyfle hwnnw i dyfu ac i ledaenu'r arferion gorau hynny, fel y gall pawb elwa ar brofiad nyrs fel Louise Walby?
What I've found over the years is that quite often the best ideas come from an individual—an individual who might observe what's happening in their local area, shape that observation into a practical example that can help people. It's hugely important that that practice is able to spread. I would expect health boards to look at innovative practices elsewhere in Wales. I will, however, ask the health secretary as well to write to you with his ideas as to how this might be taken forward.
Yr hyn yr wyf i wedi ei ganfod dros y blynyddoedd yw bod y syniadau gorau yn dod gan unigolyn yn aml iawn—unigolyn a allai weld yr hyn sy'n digwydd yn ei ardal leol, gan lunio'r hyn y mae'n ei weld fel enghraifft ymarferol sy'n gallu helpu pobl. Mae'n bwysig dros ben y gellir lledaenu'r arfer hwnnw. Byddwn yn disgwyl i fyrddau iechyd edrych ar arferion arloesol mewn rhannau eraill o Gymru. Byddaf, fodd bynnag, yn gofyn i'r ysgrifennydd iechyd ysgrifennu atoch chi hefyd gyda'i syniadau ynglŷn â sut y gellid bwrw ymlaen â hyn.
7. A wnaiff y Prif Weinidog ddatganiad am strategaeth Llywodraeth Cymru i fynd i'r afael â gamblo cymhellol? OAQ52418
7. Will the First Minister make a statement on the Welsh Government's strategy to tackle problem gambling? OAQ52418
A cross-Government group has been established to develop a strategic approach to reducing gambling-related harm across Wales. The group is currently considering the recommendations from the chief medical officer’s latest annual report and will co-ordinate existing action and identify new activity that might be required.
Sefydlwyd grŵp traws-lywodraethol wedi'i sefydlu i ddatblygu dull strategol i leihau niwed sy'n gysylltiedig â gamblo ledled Cymru. Mae'r grŵp wrthi'n ystyried yr argymhellion o adroddiad blynyddol diweddaraf y prif swyddog meddygol a bydd yn cydgysylltu camau gweithredu presennol ac yn nodi gweithgarwch newydd y gellid bod ei angen.
Thank you for that answer, First Minister. You will recall the number of debates we've had in this Chamber over the issue of fixed-odds betting terminals and, of course, the UK Government gave a commitment that they would now take measures to reduce betting on these to a maximum of £2 per bet. It now appears that it may be at least two years before any such legislation is forthcoming. We do have some powers within this, although not as extensive, but it does seem to me that this would be an appropriate time now for Wales to take a lead and to introduce legislation at least to use the powers we do have to minimise the amount of fixed-odds betting terminal bets that can be placed, under powers in the Wales Act 2017 now, rather than wait for legislation that will take several years to arrive or may not even arrive at all.
Diolch am yr ateb yna, Brif Weinidog. Byddwch yn cofio'r nifer o ddadleuon yr ydym ni wedi eu cael yn y Siambr hon ynghylch y mater o beiriannau betio ods sefydlog, a rhoddodd Llywodraeth y DU ymrwymiad, wrth gwrs, y bydden nhw'n cymryd mesurau nawr i leihau betio ar y rhain i uchafswm o £2 fesul bet. Mae'n ymddangos erbyn hyn y gallai fod o leiaf dwy flynedd cyn i unrhyw ddeddfwriaeth o'r fath gael ei chyflwyno. Mae gennym ni rai pwerau o fewn hyn, er nid mor helaeth, ond mae'n ymddangos i mi y byddai hon yn adeg briodol nawr i Gymru arwain a chyflwyno deddfwriaeth i ddefnyddio'r pwerau sydd gennym ni o leiaf i gyfyngu ar nifer y betiau ar beiriannau betio ods sefydlog y gellir eu gosod, o dan bwerau yn Neddf Cymru 2017 nawr, yn hytrach nag aros am ddeddfwriaeth a fydd yn cymryd sawl blwyddyn i gyrraedd neu efallai na fydd hyd yn oed yn cyrraedd o gwbl.
The Member's right. The difficulty, of course, is finding time for legislation in what is a packed legislative programme. That's not to mean we do nothing, of course, and it's important that we know that there are other tools available to us in order to reduce problem gambling. I can assure the Member that the Chief Medical Officer for Wales has made several recommendations in his annual report and the cross-Government group is currently considering them, certainly as a first step to dealing with problem gambling and we're keen to work with the CMO in order to address the problem.
Mae'r Aelod yn iawn. Y drafferth, wrth gwrs, yw dod o hyd i amser ar gyfer deddfwriaeth yn yr hyn sy'n rhaglen ddeddfwriaethol lawn iawn. Nid yw hynny'n golygu na ddylem ni wneud dim, wrth gwrs, ac mae'n bwysig ein bod ni'n gwybod bod dulliau eraill ar gael i ni er mwyn lleihau gamblo problemus. Gallaf sicrhau'r Aelod bod Prif Swyddog Meddygol Cymru wedi gwneud nifer o argymhellion yn ei adroddiad blynyddol ac mae'r grŵp traws-lywodraethol wrthi'n eu hystyried ar hyn o bryd, yn sicr fel cam cyntaf o ymdrin â gamblo problemus ac rydym ni'n awyddus i weithio gyda'r Prif Swyddog Meddygol er mwyn datrys y broblem.
First Minister, public health enemies like problem gambling are things that we have the opportunity to tackle here in Wales through the education system. There were some startling statistics at the Beat the Odds conference last week that 80 per cent of children have seen gambling adverts on tv, 70 per cent of children have seen gambling adverts on social media and two thirds have seen gambling adverts on other websites. Now, whilst I appreciate we don't have the opportunity to deal with adverts per se, we do have an opportunity through the education system to educate our young people about problem gambling and the harm that it can cause to them and wider society. So, what action is the Welsh Government taking through the new curriculum and other opportunities that might be presented to tackle this problem as a public health enemy?
Brif Weinidog, mae gelynion iechyd y cyhoedd fel gamblo problemus yn bethau y mae gennym ni'r cyfle i fynd i'r afael â nhw yma yng Nghymru drwy'r system addysg. Roedd rhai ystadegau syfrdanol yng nghynhadledd Curo'r Bwci yr wythnos diwethaf bod 80 y cant o blant wedi gweld hysbysebion gamblo ar y teledu, bod 70 y cant o blant wedi gweld hysbysebion gamblo ar gyfryngau cymdeithasol a bod dwy ran o dair wedi gweld hysbysebion gamblo ar wefannau eraill. Nawr, er fy mod i'n deall nad oes gennym ni'r cyfle i ymdrin â hysbysebion fel y cyfryw, mae gennym ni gyfle drwy'r system addysg i addysgu ein pobl ifanc am gamblo problemus a'r niwed y gall ei achosi iddyn nhw ac i gymdeithas yn ehangach. Felly, pa gamau mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn eu cymryd drwy'r cwricwlwm newydd a chyfleoedd eraill y gellid eu cyflwyno i fynd i'r afael â'r broblem hon fel gelyn iechyd y cyhoedd?
Well, I was explaining to my children last week that there was a time when cigars and tobacco were freely advertised on television, which they couldn't quite understand, but they were. Gambling was more tightly regulated. It's gone the other way, that's the problem. There is scarcely a time when somebody can watch a sporting occasion without there being some offer to make a bet halfway through the game—next scorer, you know. Even something I saw in the papers a few days ago where it would be a free bet if England won against Panama—a lot of losers there, I suspect. But the serious point is this: this has happened since the Gambling Act in 2005, and I regret that happened under the watch of my own party. I think that was the wrong decision to take because what we have seen is the proliferation of gambling adverts that make it appear that a bit of gambling is okay, basically, and then that's where the problems arise.
What can we do in the education system, because we don't control, obviously, the advertising industry? Well, health and emotional well-being is a theme of the personal and social education framework, which forms part of the current curriculum framework, that does give schools the chance to pick up issues such as problem gambling. Financial education will be a key element within the new curriculum—something that the Member Bethan Sayed has championed—and that will offer robust provision to help learners develop their financial skills, including the management of money. I can say that pioneer schools are working with some of the key organisations to develop new areas of learning as well. So, yes, we can address it through the education system and we are doing that. It's going to take more than that in terms of the advertising industry, though.
Wel, roeddwn i'n esbonio wrth fy mhlant yr wythnos diwethaf y bu adeg pan yr oedd sigârs a thybaco yn cael eu hysbysebu'n rhydd ar y teledu, nad oedden nhw'n ei ddeall o gwbl, ond roedd hynny'n digwydd. Roedd gamblo wedi'i reoleiddio'n fwy llym. Mae wedi mynd y ffordd arall, dyna'r broblem. Prin y ceir adeg pan all rhywun wylio achlysur chwaraeon heb fod rhyw gynnig i wneud bet hanner ffordd drwy'r gêm—sgoriwr nesaf, ac ati. Hyd yn oed rhywbeth a welais yn y papurau ychydig ddiwrnodau yn ôl pryd y caed bet am ddim pe byddai Lloegr yn ennill yn erbyn Panama—llawer o gollwyr yn y fan yna, rwy'n amau. Ond y pwynt difrifol yw hwn: mae hyn wedi digwydd ers y Ddeddf Gamblo yn 2005, ac rwy'n gresynu bod hynny wedi digwydd o dan oruchwyliaeth fy mhlaid fy hun. Rwy'n meddwl mai hwnnw oedd y penderfyniad anghywir i'w wneud oherwydd yr hyn yr ydym ni wedi ei weld yw toreth o hysbysebion gamblo sy'n ei gwneud hi ymddangos bod ychydig o gamblo yn iawn, fwy neu lai, a dyna lle mae'r problemau'n codi.
Beth allwn ni ei wneud yn y system addysg, oherwydd nid ydym ni'n rheoli'r diwydiant hysbysebu, yn amlwg? Wel, mae iechyd a llesiant emosiynol yn un o themâu'r fframwaith addysg bersonol a chymdeithasol, sy'n rhan o fframwaith presennol y cwricwlwm, sy'n rhoi'r cyfle i ysgolion drafod materion fel gamblo problemus. Bydd addysg ariannol yn elfen allweddol yn y cwricwlwm newydd—rhywbeth y mae'r Aelod Bethan Sayed wedi ei hyrwyddo—a bydd hynny'n cynnig darpariaeth gadarn i helpu dysgwyr ddatblygu eu sgiliau ariannol, gan gynnwys rheoli arian. Gallaf ddweud bod ysgolion arloesol yn gweithio gyda rhai o'r sefydliadau allweddol i ddatblygu meysydd newydd o ddysgu hefyd. Felly, gallwn, mi allwn ni fynd i'r afael â hyn drwy'r system addysg ac rydym ni'n gwneud hynny. Mae'n mynd i gymryd mwy na hynny o ran y diwydiant hysbysebu, fodd bynnag.
I'm delighted to hear, First Minister, that you're aware of the huge dangers there are in linking gambling to sport. You can support your team without having to place a bet, but obviously children have been pushed this idea that the one goes with the other.
What is the possibility of introducing legislation to change the planning criteria for betting shops so that they have a specific category, and that means that we can firmly control the number of new betting shops and ensure that other businesses closing down don't then get made into betting shops?
Rwy'n falch iawn o glywed, Brif Weinidog, eich bod chi'n ymwybodol o'r peryglon enfawr sy'n deillio o gysylltu gamblo â chwaraeon. Gallwch gefnogi eich tîm heb orfod gosod bet, ond yn amlwg gwthiwyd y syniad yma i blant bod un yn mynd law yn llaw â'r llall.
Beth yw'r posibilrwydd o gyflwyno deddfwriaeth i newid y meini prawf cynllunio ar gyfer siopau betio fel bod ganddyn nhw gategori penodol, ac mae hynny'n golygu y gallwn ni reoli nifer y siopau betio newydd yn gadarn a sicrhau nad yw busnesau eraill sy'n cau yn cael eu troi'n siopau betio wedyn?
I'll ask the Secretary to write to you on that.FootnoteLink It is right to say that we don't want to see a proliferation of betting shops, but that's part of the problem. Online gambling—it's never been easier to gamble. There was a time when you physically had to walk into a betting shop in order to do it. Most people didn't do that. There were some people for whom it was a lifestyle choice, but it didn't happen to most people. Now, of course, because it's so easy to gamble—. For example, just to give some figures to Members here, there were 152,000 adverts in 2006 relating to gambling; in 2012—and I suspect the figure's gone up since then—there were 1.39 million. Well, that kind of barrage of information is bound to have an effect to encourage people who otherwise wouldn't have gone into a betting shop years ago to gamble, to gamble more, and then, of course, to create problem gambling. If we don't allow advertising for tobacco and alcohol on tv, why do we allow the advertising of gambling? I think that's a question for the UK Government to resolve.
Fe ofynnaf i'r Ysgrifennydd ysgrifennu atoch ynghylch hynny.FootnoteLink Mae'n iawn i ddweud nad ydym ni eisiau gweld toreth o siopau betio, ond mae hynny'n rhan o'r broblem. Gamblo ar-lein—nid fu hi erioed yn haws gamblo. Roedd amser pan yr oedd yn rhaid i chi gerdded i mewn i siop fetio yn gorfforol er mwyn gwneud hynny. Nid oedd y rhan fwyaf o bobl yn gwneud hynny. Roedd rhai pobl yn dewis ei wneud fel ffordd o fyw, ond nid oedd yn digwydd i'r rhan fwyaf o bobl. Nawr, wrth gwrs, gan ei bod hi mor hawdd gamblo—. Er enghraifft, dim ond i roi rhai ffigurau i'r Aelodau yn y fan yma, roedd 152,000 o hysbysebion yn ymwneud â gamblo yn 2006; yn 2012—ac rwy'n amau bod y ffigur wedi codi ers hynny—roedd 1.39 miliwn. Wel, mae'r math yna o lifeiriant o wybodaeth yn sicr o gael effaith i annog pobl efallai na fydden nhw wedi mynd i siop fetio i gamblo flynyddoedd yn ôl, i gamblo mwy, a wedyn, wrth gwrs, i greu gamblo problemus. Os nad ydym ni'n caniatáu hysbysebion ar gyfer tybaco ac alcohol ar y teledu, pam ydym ni'n caniatáu hysbysebion gamblo? Rwy'n credu bod hwnnw'n gwestiwn i Lywodraeth y DU ei ateb.
Diolch i'r Prif Weinidog.
Thank you, First Minister.
Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw'r datganiad a chyhoeddiad busnes. Rydw i'n galw ar arweinydd y tŷ i wneud ei datganiad—Julie James.
The next item, therefore, is the business statement and announcement. I call on the leader of the house to make the statement—Julie James.
Diolch, Llywydd. There are several changes to this week's business. The Cabinet Secretary for Economy and Transport will make oral statements today on the Swansea bay tidal lagoon and the recent Airbus Group announcement. As a result, the statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Education on initial teacher education will issue as a written statement. And, finally, Llywydd, the Business Committee agreed to schedule an additional debate tomorrow afternoon on a no named day motion tabled by Plaid Cymru. Otherwise, business for the next three weeks is as shown on the business statement and announcement found amongst the meeting papers available to Members electronically.
Diolch, Llywydd. Ceir sawl newid i fusnes yr wythnos hon. Bydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth yn gwneud datganiadau llafar heddiw ar forlyn llanw bae Abertawe a'r cyhoeddiad diweddar gan Grŵp Airbus. O ganlyniad, bydd y datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg ar addysg gychwynnol i athrawon yn cael ei gyhoeddi fel datganiad ysgrifenedig. Ac, yn olaf, Llywydd, cytunodd y Pwyllgor Busnes i drefnu dadl ychwanegol brynhawn yfory ar gynnig heb ddyddiad trafod a gyflwynwyd gan Blaid Cymru. Fel arall, mae busnes ar gyfer y tair wythnos nesaf fel y'i dangosir ar y datganiad a chyhoeddiad busnes sydd i'w gweld ymhlith y papurau cyfarfod sydd ar gael yn electronig i'r Aelodau.
Leader of the house, can I raise two issues with you, if possible, please? I was grateful for the clarity that the First Minister showed in the questions that I put to him in First Minister's questions, but I'd be most grateful if the health Secretary could bring forward a statement about opiate use within the Welsh NHS and the guidance that is out there. Some of the stories that have come out and the report that has come out last week do raise genuine and serious concerns in patients' and clinicians' minds, and it would be most helpful if a statement about opiate use as pain relief, especially in the palliative sector, could be made available by the health Secretary for Members and the wider public to be able to see.
And, secondly, you did say last week, when I raised the question with you about the Permanent Secretary and her engagement with us around issues in the QC-led inquiry, that you would make representations to the Permanent Secretary. As we haven't heard anything, I was wondering whether you are in a position to update us as to any information that might be forthcoming, as I believe, to date, I haven't seen that information come available.
Arweinydd y tŷ, a gaf i godi dau fater gyda chi, os yn bosibl, os gwelwch yn dda? Roeddwn i'n ddiolchgar am yr eglurder a ddangosodd y Prif Weinidog yn y cwestiynau a ofynnais iddo yn y cwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog, ond byddwn yn ddiolchgar pe gallai'r Ysgrifennydd dros iechyd gyflwyno datganiad am y defnydd o opiadau yn y GIG yng Nghymru a'r canllawiau sydd ar gael yn gyffredinol. Mae rhai o'r straeon sydd wedi dod allan a'r adroddiad a gyhoeddwyd yr wythnos diwethaf wedi codi pryderon gwirioneddol a difrifol ym meddyliau cleifion a chlinigwyr, a byddai'n ddefnyddiol iawn pe gallai datganiad ynghylch defnyddio opiadau i leddfu poen, yn enwedig yn y sector gofal lliniarol, fod ar gael gan yr Ysgrifennydd dros iechyd er mwyn i'r Aelodau a'r cyhoedd allu ei weld.
Ac, yn ail, fe wnaethoch chi ddweud yr wythnos diwethaf, pan godais y cwestiwn gyda chi ynghylch yr Ysgrifennydd Parhaol a'i hymgysylltiad â ni ynghylch materion yn yr ymchwiliad dan arweiniad Cwnsler y Frenhines, y byddech yn gwneud sylwadau i'r Ysgrifennydd Parhaol. Gan nad ydym ni wedi clywed unrhyw beth, tybed a ydych chi mewn sefyllfa i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i ni ynghylch unrhyw wybodaeth sydd ar ddod, gan nad wyf yn credu, hyd yma, fy mod wedi gweld yr wybodaeth honno yn dod ar gael.
Yes, on the first one, the Cabinet Secretary's indicating that he's more than happy to update Members by way of a written statement on the situation there. And on the second, unfortunately, my meeting with the Permanent Secretary wasn't able to go ahead last week due to issues with my diary, but as soon as I do see her, which I hope will be this week, I will be bringing that to her attention.
Ie, ar yr un cyntaf, mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn nodi ei fod yn fwy na pharod i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Aelodau drwy gyfrwng datganiad ysgrifenedig ar y sefyllfa honno. Ac ar yr ail, yn anffodus, nid oedd yn bosibl i'r cyfarfod â'r Ysgrifennydd Parhaol gael ei gynnal yr wythnos diwethaf oherwydd problemau gyda fy nyddiadur, ond cyn gynted ag y gwelaf i hi, a gobeithio y bydd hynny yr wythnos hon, byddaf yn ei ddwyn i'w sylw.
First of all, can I thank the leader of the house for accommodating the no named debate tomorrow? I think it's very important that the Assembly has an opportunity to debate not only that we have a statement on the tidal lagoon today, but actually to debate the political circumstances that led to this decision. Obviously, Plaid Cymru feels, in our motion, that we no longer have confidence in the Secretary of State for Wales or, indeed, in the post, really, and the way that post is being used, rather than as a bridge between here and Westminster to achieve Welsh ambitions, as an obstacle and a gate between our ambitions and Westminster's. So, I think the vote tomorrow will be very important. I understand it's open to amendment today. I'm sure the Government won't agree with every approach that we've taken in this, but I hope very much you won't defang the motion tomorrow and that we do send a very strong message to the Secretary of State about his relationship to this place as a Parliament, but also the way he acts on our behalf in London. I think it's our duty to send that message following the events that we'll discuss more this afternoon. Thank you again for tabling a statement on the tidal lagoon so we can have a future debate.
Can I ask just a couple of specific things about how the Government might address business over the next few weeks? First of all, I understand the EU withdrawal Bill has become an Act today, and John Bercow, as the Speaker of the House of Commons, has noted the Queen's assent to the Bill. So, now that we have an EU withdrawal Act, and I take it, unless you will tell me differently, that the inter-governmental agreement that you have agreed with the Westminster Government will come into operation, you will therefore be seeking to repeal the Law Derived from the European Union (Wales) Act 2018, which is also an Act, of course. So, we have two Acts now that are not necessarily compatible with each other, or, at least, they're not compatible with the inter-governmental agreement.
Can you set out for us what the process is by which this will happen? How will a Bill be withdrawn? We haven't done this before. So, how do we withdraw a Bill that has become an Act, actually? What consultation will there be? How will that happen? What will the debates—? What do you foresee, as the leader of the house, will be the role that this Parliament will play in that? How will we ensure the widest possible discussion around that? Clearly, you've made that commitment as an inter-governmental agreement, but some of us will have different views on that, and we'll be keen that the proper processes are followed and we have our say on it. So, I'd very much appreciate if you set out how you intend to ensure that, in your view, that Act now is withdrawn.
The second thing that I'd like to briefly raise with you—which has already been discussed but this specific aspect has not—is the gambling issue. We have, and many of us welcomed, the £2 limit on the fixed-odds terminals. We were very disappointed to understand that that was now going to be extended to at least 2020. So, the Westminster Government are doing nothing for at least two years on this. We have very strong recommendations from our chief medical officer. We have a pledge signed by Members of all parties, a cross-party pledge on a cross-party group here to take action on this. It would be interesting to know whether the Government does have any legislative intention—or regulatory intention—to use the limited but still important powers you do now have to deal with the plague of fixed-term terminals. By delaying for just two years, it's estimated the betting shops will rake in £4 billion. That's the size of this business now, and the untold misery of those who get addicted to such heavy gambling is plain to see and has been demonstrated last week in the conference at the Pierhead. So, what is the Government likely to do, and what action are we likely to see on gambling?
Yn gyntaf oll, a gaf i ddiolch i arweinydd y tŷ am drefnu lle ar gyfer y ddadl ddienw yfory? Rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig iawn bod gan y Cynulliad gyfle i drafod nid yn unig bod gennym ddatganiad ar y morlyn llanw heddiw, ond i drafod mewn gwirionedd yr amgylchiadau gwleidyddol a arweiniodd at y penderfyniad hwn. Yn amlwg, mae Plaid Cymru yn teimlo, yn ein cynnig, nad oes gennym ffydd bellach yn Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru nac, yn wir, yn y swydd, mewn gwirionedd, nac yn y ffordd y defnyddir y swydd honno, yn hytrach na fel pont rhwng y lle hwn a San Steffan i gyflawni uchelgeisiau Cymru, fel rhwystr a giât rhwng ein huchelgeisiau ni a rhai San Steffan. Felly, credaf y bydd y bleidlais yfory yn bwysig iawn. Rwyf ar ddeall ei bod yn agored i welliannau heddiw. Rwy'n siŵr na fydd y Llywodraeth yn cytuno â phob agwedd yr ydym ni wedi ei chymryd yn hyn o beth, ond rwy'n gobeithio na fyddwch chi'n dirymu'r cynnig yfory ac y byddwn ni'n anfon neges gref iawn at yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol am ei berthynas â'r lle hwn fel Senedd, ond hefyd o ran y ffordd y mae'n gweithredu ar ein rhan yn Llundain. Rwy'n credu mai ein dyletswydd ni yw anfon y neges honno yn dilyn y digwyddiadau y byddwn yn eu trafod ymhellach y prynhawn yma. Diolch i chi unwaith eto am gyflwyno'r datganiad ar y morlyn llanw fel y gallwn gael dadl yn y dyfodol.
A gaf i ofyn dim ond un neu ddau o bethau penodol ynghylch sut y gallai'r Llywodraeth ymdrin â busnes dros yr ychydig wythnosau nesaf? Yn gyntaf oll, rwyf ar ddeall bod Bil yr UE (Ymadael) wedi dod yn Ddeddf heddiw, a bod John Bercow, Llefarydd Tŷ'r Cyffredin, wedi nodi cydsyniad y Frenhines i'r Bil. Felly, gan fod gennym ni Ddeddf yr UE (Ymadael) rwy'n cymryd, oni bai y byddwch yn dweud wrthyf yn wahanol, y bydd y cytundeb rhynglywodraethol, yr ydych wedi ei gytuno â Llywodraeth San Steffan yn dod i rym, a byddwch felly yn ceisio diddymu y gyfraith sy'n deillio o Ddeddf yr Undeb Ewropeaidd (Cymru) 2018, sydd hefyd yn Ddeddf, wrth gwrs. Felly, mae gennym ni ddwy Ddeddf nawr nad ydyn nhw o angenrheidrwydd yn cydweddu â'i gilydd, neu, o leiaf, nad ydyn nhw'n cydweddu â chytundeb rhynglywodraethol.
A allwch chi egluro i ni beth fydd y broses a ddefnyddir i wneud hyn ddigwydd? Sut y caiff Bil ei dynnu'n ôl? Nid ydym wedi gwneud hyn o'r blaen. Felly, sut yr ydym ni'n tynnu Bil yn ôl, sydd wedi dod yn Ddeddf, mewn gwirionedd? Pa ymgynghoriad a fydd? Sut y bydd hynny'n digwydd? Beth fydd y dadleuon—? Pa ran, yr ydych chi'n ei ragweld, y bydd y Senedd hon yn ei chwarae yn hynny o beth? Sut byddwn ni'n sicrhau'r drafodaeth ehangaf bosibl ynglŷn â hynny? Yn amlwg, rydych chi wedi gwneud yr ymrwymiad hwnnw fel cytundeb rhynglywodraethol, ond bydd gan rai ohonom wahanol safbwyntiau ar hynny, a byddwn ni'n awyddus i sicrhau y dilynir y prosesau priodol a'n bod ni'n cael dweud ein dweud ar hyn. Felly, byddwn i'n gwerthfawrogi yn fawr iawn pe byddech chi'n cyflwyno sut yr ydych chi'n bwriadu sicrhau, yn eich barn chi, y bydd y Ddeddf nawr yn cael ei thynnu'n ôl.
Yr ail beth yr hoffwn i ei godi gyda chi yn fyr—sydd eisoes wedi'i drafod, ond nid yr agwedd benodol hon—yw'r broblem o ran gamblo. Mae gennym ni, ac mae llawer ohonom ni'n ei groesawu, y terfyn £2 ar y peiriannau ods sefydlog. Roeddem ni'n siomedig iawn i ddeall bod hynny bellach yn mynd i gael ei ymestyn i o leiaf 2020. Felly, nid yw Llywodraeth San Steffan am wneud dim am ddwy flynedd o leiaf ar hyn. Mae gennym ni argymhellion cryf iawn gan ein prif swyddog meddygol. Mae gennym ni addewid wedi'i lofnodi gan aelodau o bob plaid, addewid traws-bleidiol ar grŵp trawsbleidiol yma i weithredu ar hyn. Byddai'n ddiddorol gwybod pa un a oes gan y Llywodraeth unrhyw fwriad deddfwriaethol— neu fwriad rheoleiddio—i ddefnyddio'r pwerau cyfyngedig ond pwysig er hynny sydd gennych chi erbyn hyn i ymdrin â'r pla peiriannau ods sefydlog. Drwy ohirio am ddim ond dwy flynedd, amcangyfrifir y bydd siopau betio yn elwa ar £4 biliwn. Dyna faint y busnes hwn erbyn hyn, ac mae dioddefaint difesur y rhai sy'n mynd yn gaeth i hapchwarae trwm o'r fath yn amlwg a chafodd ei arddangos yr wythnos diwethaf yn y gynhadledd yn y Pierhead. Felly, beth y mae'r Llywodraeth yn debygol o'i wneud, a pha gamau yr ydym ni'n debygol o'u gweld ar hapchwarae?
Well, in the time-honoured tradition, Llywydd, of tackling the issues in reverse, on the gambling one, the Cabinet Secretary for health and I also wrote to the Advertising Standards Authority about this. The fixed-odds betting terminals—I can never say that right—are absolutely a scourge, and, of course, attack some of the most vulnerable members of our society. The First Minister just answered some questions around that.
I think there is cross-Government concern about this. There's a massive, massive issue with online advertising, and although the Advertising Standards Authority has set out that it attacks adverts specifically aimed at children, nevertheless, if you are an online gamer, you will see those adverts all the time. I see them constantly. So, we are very concerned about that, and, Llywydd, I will make sure that we bring forward a statement of some description setting out what can be done in the context of the First Minister's answer to the question earlier, as I think it's a matter of some considerable concern and the delay is very concerning.
In terms of the EU Act, I admire Simon Thomas's invitation for me to set out all of the ins and outs of that, but, Llywydd, I won't try your patience by attempting to do so right now. The Counsel General has a statement very shortly that will afford Members the opportunity to question him closely on the exact legislative position. I think that's the appropriate place to take that up.
In terms of the tidal lagoon, we have got a statement this afternoon, and, Llywydd, I don't think I've made any secret of the fact that I don't think the Secretary of State has covered himself in any glory at all in terms of him standing up for Wales in investment decisions in the UK Government. We will amend it because there are some constitutional issues, but I think the sentiment is entirely shared.
Wel, yn y traddodiad hen a pharchus, Llywydd, o fynd i'r afael â materion o chwith, ar yr un gamblo, ysgrifennodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros iechyd a minnau hefyd at yr Awdurdod Safonau Hysbysebu am hyn. Mae'r peiriannau betio ods sefydlog—ni allaf i byth ddweud hynny'n iawn—yn bla llwyr, ac, wrth gwrs, yn ymosod ar rai o aelodau mwyaf agored i niwed ein cymdeithas. Mae'r Prif Weinidog newydd ateb rhai cwestiynau ynghylch hynny.
Credaf fod pryder ar draws y Llywodraeth am hyn. Mae problem enfawr gyda hysbysebu ar-lein, ac er bod yr Awdurdod Safonau Hysbysebu wedi nodi ei fod yn ymosod ar hysbysebion sy'n targedu plant yn benodol, er hynny, os ydych chi'n chwarae ar-lein, byddwch chi'n gweld yr hysbysebion hynny drwy'r amser. Rwyf i'n eu gweld drwy'r amser. Felly, rydym ni'n bryderus iawn am hynny, a, Llywydd, byddaf yn gwneud yn siŵr y byddwn ni'n cyflwyno datganiad o ryw fath yn nodi beth y gellir ei wneud yng nghyd-destun ymateb y Prif Weinidog i'r cwestiwn yn gynharach, gan fy mod yn credu bod hwn yn fater o bryder sylweddol ac mae'r oedi yn peri cryn bryder.
O ran Deddf yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, rwy'n edmygu gwahoddiad Simon Thomas i mi nodi holl fanylion hynny, ond, Llywydd, ni fyddaf yn trethu eich amynedd drwy geisio gwneud hynny ar hyn o bryd. Mae gan y Cwnsler Cyffredinol ddatganiad cyn bo hir a fydd yn rhoi'r cyfle i'r Aelodau ei holi'n fanwl ar yr union sefyllfa ddeddfwriaethol. Rwy'n credu mai dyna'r lle priodol i drafod hyn.
O ran y morlyn llanw, mae gennym ni ddatganiad y prynhawn yma, a, Llywydd, nid wyf yn credu fy mod i wedi cuddio'r ffaith nad wyf yn ystyried bod yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol wedi ennill unrhyw fri o gwbl o ran sefyll dros Gymru mewn penderfyniadau buddsoddi yn Llywodraeth y DU. Byddwn ni'n ei ddiwygio gan fod rhai materion cyfansoddiadol yn bodoli, ond credaf fod pawb yn gyfan gwbl o'r un farn.
I know the leader of the house knows what an incredible occasion it was here in the Senedd last Friday, when we celebrated the Windrush generation, and how deeply moving it was to hear about the contribution of all those people who came to the Senedd. And, obviously, it's 70 years since the Windrush came to the UK, and it was particularly moving, I think, to hear from the elders and to hear about their contribution. I think the point was actually made at the meeting: why didn't we celebrate 50 years? Why didn't we celebrate 60 years? I think we all know why we're celebrating 70 years. So, I wondered if we could have a statement about anything that the Welsh Government could do to recognise the achievements of the elder Windrush generation.
Rwy'n gwybod bod arweinydd y tŷ yn gwybod pa mor anhygoel oedd yr achlysur yma yn y Senedd ddydd Gwener diwethaf, pryd y gwnaethom ni ddathlu'r genhedlaeth Windrush, a pha mor wefreiddiol oedd clywed am gyfraniad yr holl bobl hynny a ddaeth i'r Senedd. Ac, yn amlwg, mae 70 mlynedd ers y daeth y Windrush i'r DU, ac roedd yn arbennig o emosiynol, yn fy marn, cael clywed gan yr henaduriaid, a chlywed am eu cyfraniad. Rwy'n credu mewn gwirionedd bod y pwynt wedi ei wneud yn y cyfarfod: pam na wnaethom ni ddathlu 50 mlynedd? Pam na wnaethom ni ddathlu 60 mlynedd? Rwy'n credu ein bod i gyd yn gwybod pam yr ydym ni'n dathlu 70 mlynedd. Felly, tybed a allem ni gael datganiad am unrhyw beth y gallai Llywodraeth Cymru ei wneud i gydnabod cyflawniadau cenhedlaeth hŷn Windrush.
Yes, it was a truly moving experience, and actually, when I came to speak, Llywydd, I was actually a little bit choked because I followed on from the speech of one of the elders outlining their contribution. It was highly emotional, and I think we were all very touched by some of the personal stories. I'm very grateful to Joyce Watson—I think she's not in the Chamber at the moment—she came down to the Saturday event in Swansea where some of the elders had a little more time to elaborate on some of their stories, which was also very moving.
I will discuss with Cabinet colleagues who have an interest in this about some of the things we're doing. We are being a platinum sponsor for Black History Month this year to make sure that we get some of the oral histories put, and I'm exploring ways of making sure that the elders can visit Tilbury docks, because there was an issue about whether some of them would be able to. I think one of the elders was very forceful in saying that it was the least we could do to recognise their contribution to Welsh society to ensure that they had their chance to contribute in a way that they saw fit. So, I am exploring and actively ensuring that that trip can happen.
My colleague Vaughan Gething said something very memorable on the occasion, actually, as well, which is to remember that we have a long way to go. You only have to look around this Chamber, Llywydd, to see what a long way we have to go in achieving diversity. One of the things he said, which I'm very keen on taking up with him and others, is to ensure that we have the right ladders—the mentoring schemes and the pathway schemes—to make sure that young people from every part of Welsh society come forward and take their rightful place, building on the incredible work that the Windrush generation and other elders took forward in circumstances that were both uplifting but also shameful in some regard.
Oedd, roedd e'n brofiad gwirioneddol emosiynol, ac mewn gwirionedd, pan es i ati i siarad, Llywydd, roeddwn i, mewn gwirionedd, yn atal ychydig ddagrau oherwydd fy mod i'n dilyn araith un o'r henaduriaid yn amlinellu ei gyfraniad. Roedd e'n emosiynol iawn, a chredaf ein bod ni i gyd yn teimlo'n emosiynol am rai o'r straeon personol. Rwy'n ddiolchgar iawn i Joyce Watson—nid wyf yn credu ei bod hi yn y Siambr ar hyn o bryd—a ddaeth i lawr i'r digwyddiad yn Abertawe ddydd Sadwrn pan oedd gan rai o'r henaduriaid ychydig mwy o amser i ymhelaethu ar rai o'u straeon, a oedd hefyd yn emosiynol iawn.
Byddaf yn trafod gyda chydweithwyr yn y Cabinet sydd â diddordeb yn hyn rhai o'r pethau yr ydym ni'n eu gwneud. Rydym ni'n noddwr platinwm ar gyfer Mis Hanes Pobl Dduon eleni i wneud yn siŵr eu bod yn cael rhannu rhai o'r hanesion llafar, ac rwy'n edrych ar ffyrdd o wneud yn siŵr bod yr henaduriaid yn ymweld â dociau Tilbury, oherwydd bod problem ynghylch pa un a fyddai rhai ohonyn nhw yn cael gwneud hynny. Rwy'n credu bod un o'r henaduriaid yn dweud yn gadarn iawn mai dyma'r lleiaf y gallem ni ei wneud i gydnabod eu cyfraniad i gymdeithas Cymru er mwyn sicrhau eu bod yn cael y cyfle i gyfrannu yn y modd y maen nhw'n ei weld yn addas. Felly, rwy'n ymchwilio ac yn mynd ati i sicrhau y gall y daith honno ddigwydd.
Dywedodd fy nghyd-Aelod Vaughan Gething rywbeth cofiadwy iawn ar yr achlysur hefyd, mewn gwirionedd, sef bod yn rhaid cofio bod gennym ni ffordd bell i fynd. Nid oes rhaid i chi mond edrych o amgylch y Siambr hon, Lywydd, i weld faint o ffordd sydd gennym ni i fynd i gyflawni amrywiaeth. Un o'r pethau a ddywedodd, ac rwy'n awyddus iawn i gydweithredu gydag ef ac eraill ar hynny, yw sicrhau bod gennym ni'r ysgolion iawn—y cynlluniau mentora a'r cynlluniau llwybr—i wneud yn siŵr bod pobl ifanc o bob rhan o gymdeithas Cymru yn dod ymlaen ac yn cymryd eu lle haeddiannol, gan adeiladu ar waith anhygoel y genhedlaeth Windrush a henaduriaid eraill a wnaed mewn amgylchiadau a oedd yn galonogol ond hefyd yn gywilyddus mewn rhyw ffordd.
Leader of the house, may I ask for a statement from the Cabinet Secretary for health on the availability of multiparametric magnetic resonance imaging scans to detect prostate cancer in Wales? According to a report by Prostate Cancer Wales, detection in Wales is lagging behind England, where 92 per cent were provided with a scan before biopsy. In Wales, only three out of seven health boards provide the scan, which can put prostate cancer diagnosis time from weeks to a matter of days. I know the Welsh Government has said that the use of mpMRI scans is under review, but could we have a statement from the Cabinet Secretary indicating the timescale for this review, which could have a dramatic effect on prostate cancer survival rates in Wales?
Arweinydd y tŷ, a gaf i ofyn am ddatganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd ar faint o sganiau delweddu atseiniol magnetig amlbarametrig i ganfod canser y brostad yng Nghymru? Yn ôl adroddiad gan Prostate Cancer Wales, mae canfod y canser yng Nghymru yn arafach nag yn Lloegr, lle'r oedd 92 y cant yn cael sgan cyn biopsi. Yng Nghymru, dim ond tri allan o'r saith Bwrdd Iechyd sy'n darparu'r sgan, a all leihau amser diagnosis canser y brostad o wythnosau i ychydig ddyddiau. Rwy'n gwybod bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi dweud bod y defnydd o sganiau mpMRI yn cael ei adolygu, ond a gawn ni ddatganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn nodi amserlen ar gyfer yr adolygiad hwn, a allai gael effaith sylweddol ar gyfraddau goroesi canser y brostad yng Nghymru?
The Cabinet Secretary has indicated to me that he is very happy to write to Members and update them on the timescales.
Mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi nodi wrthyf ei fod yn fodlon iawn i ysgrifennu at yr Aelodau ac i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf iddyn nhw am yr amserlenni.
Leader of the house, notwithstanding the unbridled fury that people in Swansea feel about the tidal lagoon decision yesterday—but more of that later, plainly—a different issue: you'll be fully aware that transport solutions are desperately needed in the Swansea bay area. The level of congestion and accident rates on the M4 around Swansea and Port Talbot are not helping us to attract companies to south-west Wales—I've raised this before with you—and are a clear source of frustration locally. Indeed, only this morning we had yet another multivehicle M4 accident, which caused traffic chaos on roads around Swansea.
Clearly, the Swansea bay and western Valleys metro has the potential to transform travel locally and help to develop alternatives to road travel in the region. However, I do not hear much in terms of progress on this front. In my attempts to engage with Swansea council, which is the lead authority in the region in developing the strategic outline business case for this metro, I understand that the project structures, work streams and engagement strategy have yet to be agreed by the different authorities within the region. People locally are crying out for a proper public transport system, so we need to up the pace.
Given the strategic importance of south-west Wales in transport terms, would the Cabinet Secretary for transport therefore be prepared to bring forward a statement on this issue, outlining clearly the key outcomes that he expects, the extent of the joint working between the local authorities and Welsh Government, and key timescales? Diolch yn fawr.
Arweinydd y tŷ, er gwaethaf y ffyrnigrwydd diatal y mae pobl Abertawe yn ei deimlo am y penderfyniad ar y morlyn llanw ddoe—ond mwy am hynny yn nes ymlaen, yn amlwg—mater gwahanol: byddwch yn gwbl ymwybodol bod angen taer am atebion i drafnidiaeth yn ardal Bae Abertawe. Nid yw lefel tagfeydd na chyfraddau damweiniau ar yr M4 o amgylch Abertawe a Port Talbot yn ein helpu i ddenu cwmnïau i'r de-orllewin—rwyf wedi codi hyn gyda chi o'r blaen— ac maen nhw'n ffynhonnell glir o rwystredigaeth yn lleol. Yn wir, dim ond y bore yma, cawsom ddamwain amlgerbyd arall ar yr M4, a achosodd anhrefn traffig ar y ffyrdd o gwmpas Abertawe.
Yn amlwg, mae gan Metro Bae Abertawe a'r Cymoedd gorllewinol y potensial i weddnewid teithio lleol a helpu i ddatblygu dulliau amgen i deithio ar ffyrdd yn y rhanbarth. Fodd bynnag, nid wyf yn clywed llawer am gynnydd yn y maes hwn. Yn fy ymdrechion i ymgysylltu â Chyngor Abertawe, sef yr awdurdod arweiniol yn y rhanbarth sy'n ymwneud â datblygu strategaeth amlinellol ar gyfer achos busnes ar gyfer y metro hwn, rwyf ar ddeall bod y strwythurau prosiect, ffrydiau gwaith a strategaeth ymgysylltu yn dal i fod heb eu cytuno gan y gwahanol awdurdodau o fewn y rhanbarth. Mae pobl yn lleol yn crefu am system drafnidiaeth gyhoeddus briodol, felly mae angen i ni weithredu'n gyflymach.
O gofio pwysigrwydd strategol y de-orllewin o ran trafnidiaeth, a yw Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros drafnidiaeth felly yn fodlon cyflwyno datganiad ar y mater hwn, gan amlinellu'n glir y canlyniadau allweddol y mae'n disgwyl eu gweld, faint o weithio ar y cyd fydd yn digwydd rhwng yr awdurdodau lleol a Llywodraeth Cymru, a'r terfynau amser allweddol? Diolch yn fawr.
Llywydd, I would just like to extend my heartfelt sympathies to the families of the people who were killed, unfortunately, in the fatal crash on the M4 very recently. Heartbreaking stories—we all know how awful such a thing can be. The Cabinet Secretary is indicating to me that there's good progress, and he's happy to update Members by way of a letter.
Llywydd, hoffwn i estyn fy nghydymdeimlad llwyraf i deuluoedd y bobl a gafodd eu lladd, yn anffodus, yn y ddamwain angheuol ar yr M4 yn ddiweddar iawn. Straeon torcalonnus—rydym i gyd yn gwybod pa mor ofnadwy gall y fath beth fod. Mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn nodi wrthyf bod cynnydd da yn cael ei wneud, ac mae'n hapus i roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf i'r Aelodau drwy lythyr.
Leader of the house, I'm sure you're well aware by now that MPs last night voted in favour of plans to build a third runway at London's Heathrow Airport. I remain in favour of this project and I'm very pleased with yesterday's outcome, especially because of the regional benefits, the benefits to Alyn and Deeside as a border constituency, and the wider benefits to Wales as well, to lead better connections from Wales to the rest of the globe, to improve tourism and to give more opportunities for Welsh businesses to reach new exports markets.
Analysis shows that an expanded Heathrow will add up to 8,400 more jobs, and a significant increase in economic growth to Wales. I was delighted to recently attend a meeting where we discussed Tata Shotton's bid to be named as one of Heathrow's final four logistic hubs. And these hubs will ensure that communities across the UK share in the opportunities of the overall expansion.
With all that in mind, leader of the house, I would like to know if we could get a Welsh Government update on what's being done to secure these benefits that we know expansion will bring across Wales, including the location of the expansion hub in my constituency.
Arweinydd y tŷ, rwy'n siŵr eich bod yn gwbl ymwybodol erbyn hyn fod ASau wedi pleidleisio neithiwr o blaid cynlluniau i adeiladu trydedd rhedfa ym Maes Awyr Heathrow Llundain. Rwy'n dal o blaid y prosiect hwn ac rwy'n falch iawn â chanlyniad ddoe, yn enwedig oherwydd y buddion rhanbarthol, y manteision i Alun a Glannau Dyfrdwy fel etholaeth ar y ffin a'r manteision ehangach i Gymru hefyd, i arwain cysylltiadau gwell o Gymru i weddill y byd, i wella twristiaeth ac i roi mwy o gyfleoedd ar gyfer busnesau yng Nghymru i gyrraedd marchnadoedd allforio newydd.
Mae'r dadansoddiad yn dangos y bydd Heathrow estynedig yn ychwanegu hyd at 8,400 mwy o swyddi, a chynnydd sylweddol mewn twf economaidd i Gymru. Roeddwn i'n falch iawn o fod mewn cyfarfod yn ddiweddar pryd y gwnaethom ni drafod cais Tata Shotton i gael ei enwi fel un o'r pedair canolfan logistaidd terfynol ar gyfer Heathrow. A bydd y canolfannau hyn yn sicrhau bod cymunedau ar draws y DU yn rhannu cyfleoedd yn sgil yr ehangu yn gyffredinol.
Gan gadw hynny i gyd mewn cof, arweinydd y tŷ, hoffwn wybod pe gallem ni gael diweddariad gan Lywodraeth Cymru ynghylch yr hyn sy'n cael ei wneud i sicrhau'r buddion hyn y gwyddom y bydd ehangu yn eu sbarduno ledled Cymru, gan gynnwys lleoliad y ganolfan ehangu yn fy etholaeth i.
Jack Sargeant highlights a very important point. There is an ongoing piece of work to champion shortlisted Welsh sites for the Heathrow logistics hub, which will, of course, as he highlights, provide hundreds of jobs in Wales and inject millions of pounds into our economy—much needed in the light of the various decisions not to invest in Wales made by the current UK Government.
Of course, we also have a long-awaited scheme to provide western rail access into Heathrow Airport, which is crucial to ensure Wales gets the maximum benefit. And this is an issue we also continue to lobby the UK Government on. We're continuing to press for the new runway to have sufficient landing slots for flights to and from Wales, in order to increase our connectivity, and the Member makes a very good point about us lobbying on behalf of Welsh sites for the logistics hub, which I'm sure the Cabinet Secretary has taken on board.
Mae Jack Sargeant yn tynnu sylw at bwynt pwysig iawn. Mae darn o waith yn cael ei wneud ar hyn o bryd i hyrwyddo safleoedd o Gymru sydd ar y rhestr fer o safleoedd ar gyfer y ganolfan logisteg Heathrow, a fydd, wrth gwrs, fel y mae ef yn ei amlygu, yn darparu cannoedd o swyddi yng Nghymru a chwistrellu miliynau o bunnoedd i mewn i'n heconomi—sydd yn fawr ei angen yng ngoleuni'r gwahanol benderfyniadau i beidio â buddsoddi yng Nghymru a wnaed gan Lywodraeth bresennol y DU.
Wrth gwrs, mae gennym ni hefyd gynllun hir-ddisgwyliedig i ddarparu mynediad rheilffordd gorllewinol i Faes Awyr Heathrow, sy'n hollbwysig i sicrhau bod Cymru'n cael y budd mwyaf posibl. Ac mae hwn yn fater yr ydym ni hefyd yn parhau i lobïo Llywodraeth y DU ynglŷn ag ef. Rydym ni'n parhau i bwyso am i'r rhedfa newydd fod â digon o gyfleoedd glanio ar gyfer teithiau hedfan i Gymru ac o Gymru, er mwyn gwella ein cysylltedd, ac mae'r Aelod yn gwneud pwynt da iawn am i ni lobïo ar ran safleoedd yng Nghymru ar gyfer y ganolfan logisteg, ac rwyf yn siŵr bod Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi clywed hynny.
I last week met with Docs Not Cops, and I know that you've met with them, as has Mike Hedges. This issue was raised in Plenary a few weeks ago with regard to seeking a statement on the Welsh Government's position in relation to the Immigration Act 2014. You did respond, but you responded in relation to the current policy in relation to asylum seekers. So, I want to try and understand: anyone from outside Europe who is lawfully applying to work or study here will be forced to pay an extra NHS surcharge of up to £200 per year before they're given a visa or charging rules that used to apply only to secondary care will now be extended into primary care, GPs and other accident and emergency departments. Abertawe Bro Morgannwg University Health Board have said that patients not ordinarily resident in the UK are potentially liable to pay. So, I don't think that this issue has entirely been rectified yet. I know that this is a UK piece of legislation, but we could choose, here in Wales, not to implement elements of the Immigration Act that will penalise people. You will have to start racially profiling, I'm afraid, if they do enter the health service. So, I'm wondering if you can give us an update as to telling us distinctly what you're going to do on this particular policy.
Yr wythnos diwethaf, cwrddais i â Docs Not Cops, a gwn eich bod chithau wedi cwrdd â nhw, fel y mae Mike Hedges. Codwyd y mater hwn yn y cyfarfod llawn rai wythnosau yn ôl ynglŷn â gofyn am ddatganiad ar safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru ar Ddeddf Mewnfudo 2014. Fe wnaethoch chi ymateb, ond fe wnaethoch chi ymateb yng nghyswllt y polisi presennol yn ymwneud â cheiswyr lloches. Felly, rwyf eisiau ceisio deall: bydd unrhyw un o'r tu allan i Ewrop sy'n gwneud cais yn gyfreithlon i weithio neu astudio yma yn cael ei orfodi i dalu'r gordal NHS ychwanegol o hyd at £200 y flwyddyn cyn cael fisa neu bydd rheolau codi tâl a ddefnyddiwyd o'r blaen dim ond ar gyfer gofal eilaidd bellach yn cael eu hymestyn i ofal sylfaenol, meddygon teulu ac adrannau damweiniau ac achosion brys eraill. Mae Bwrdd Iechyd Prifysgol Abertawe Bro Morgannwg wedi dweud bod cleifion nad ydyn nhw'n preswylio yn y DU fel arfer yn agored o bosibl i dalu. Felly, nid wyf i'n credu bod y mater hwn wedi'i unioni yn gyfan gwbl hyd yn hyn. Gwn mai darn o ddeddfwriaeth y DU yw hwn, ond gallem ni ddewis, yma yng Nghymru, i beidio â gweithredu yr elfennau o'r Ddeddf Mewnfudo a fydd yn cosbi pobl. Bydd yn rhaid i chi ddechrau creu proffiliau hiliol, mae arnaf ofn, os byddan nhw'n mynd at y gwasanaeth iechyd. Felly, roeddwn i'n meddwl tybed a allech chi roi diweddariad i ni gan ddweud wrthym yn union beth yr ydych chi'n mynd i'w wneud o ran y polisi penodol hwn.
Yes. The Cabinet Secretary is indicating that there are some serious complexities and he's indicating his willingness to write to Members and set out exactly what the position is as to powers to implement or not, and what effect that will have in Wales.FootnoteLink
Gallaf. Mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn nodi bod cymhlethdodau difrifol yn bodoli ac mae'n nodi ei barodrwydd i ysgrifennu at Aelodau i fynegi'r hyn yn union yw'r sefyllfa ynglŷn â phwerau i'w gweithredu neu beidio, a pha effaith a gaiff hynny yng Nghymru.FootnoteLink
Diolch i arweinydd y tŷ.
Thank you, leader of the house.
Yr eitem nesaf oedd y datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg ar addysg gychwynnol i athrawon, ac mae hwn, bellach, wedi ei gyflwyno fel datganiad ysgrifenedig.
The next item was to be the statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Education on initial teacher education, which has now been tabled as a written statement.
Felly, yr eitem nesaf fydd y datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth ar forlyn llanw bae Abertawe. Rwy'n galw ar Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet i wneud ei ddatganiad. Ken Skates.
Therefore, the next item will be the statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Economy and Transport on the Swansea bay tidal lagoon. I call on the Cabinet Secretary to make the statement. Ken Skates.
Diolch, Llywydd. Yesterday, a statement was made in the House of Commons by the UK Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, Greg Clark, on the proposed Swansea bay tidal lagoon project.
The UK Government made it clear that,
'it would be irresponsible to enter into a contract with the provider'
as the
'proposal has not demonstrated that it could be value for money'.
The UK Government has concluded that the project should not be provided with public funding. This decision by the UK Government not to support the Swansea bay tidal lagoon is deeply disappointing and a further blow to Swansea following on from the UK Government’s decision not to electrify the Great Western main line to Swansea. Despite our serious offer to help the UK Government make this proposal work, they are letting an important opportunity slip through their fingers. In doing so, they have badly let down the people of Wales.
This announcement demonstrates that the UK Government has, once again, made energy policy decisions for Wales based upon English energy priorities rather than reflecting the opportunities here in Wales. We have significant sustainable energy resources in Wales, not available in England, that we must harness if we are to meet our decarbonisation targets as part of our wider UK obligations. The UK Government has failed to recognise that the Welsh energy mix will be different to that in England.
We have called for the UK Government to respond to the Hendry review of tidal lagoons on many occasions. Even now they have failed to give an adequate response to the important recommendations that he has made. The Welsh Government is clear: the decision whether or not to back tidal lagoons is a UK policy decision. They have the ability and the financial backing to shoulder risk in areas of new and emerging technology that other smaller Governments across the UK simply do not.
From day one, the Welsh Government recognised the transformational potential of the Swansea bay tidal lagoon project and we made an offer of significant funding support to the UK Government to help make the project a reality. Sadly, the UK Government’s short-sightedness and complete lack of ambition has thwarted this project—a project that could have positioned Wales and the UK as a world leader in a new global industry. We have consistently stated that the Welsh Government stands ready to work closely with the UK Government and other administrations across the UK to develop a vibrant UK marine energy industry.
We are in no doubt as to the potential that marine energy represents to Wales, not only from a decarbonisation and energy policy perspective, but also from a social and economic benefit perspective, too. Indeed, marine energy offers huge potential to the UK as a whole in terms of developing know-how, technology and supply chain developments, which would be of value to future international trade.
We have held this view for many years and this is why we have prioritised the growth of a vibrant energy industry as a key tool for economic development. Wales has an excellent track record in supporting marine energy. Over €100 million of EU funding, along with domestic support, has been and continues to be invested through the Welsh Government to support wave and tidal stream projects. EU funding is supporting the Morlais west Anglesey tidal stream demonstration zone, the south Pembrokeshire wave demonstration zone, as well as wave and tidal stream developers. We also supported Marine Energy Wales who are developing a marine energy test area in the Milford Haven waterway. Pembrokeshire and Anglesey are becoming hubs for wave and tidal stream development, but further development will be dependent on revenue support from the UK Government.
Marine developers, who have ambitious plans to deploy their devices in Welsh waters, will view this announcement as the UK Government, sadly, closing the door on the industry. Some are already considering scaling back their plans in Wales. I therefore call on the UK Government to rethink their long-term support for the marine industry.
My colleague the Cabinet Secretary for Energy, Planning and Rural Affairs will be writing to business and energy Secretary, Greg Clark, to stress the importance of supporting the renewable energy sector in Wales. We've already stressed the importance of funding the most affordable technologies, such as onshore wind, to keep the overall costs of support low.
The Welsh Government has a long-standing commitment to the renewable sector and we'll be seeking the views of the industry and respective bodies through an energy summit to better understand how momentum, particularly in the area of marine energy, is maintained over the coming months and years.
In light of this disappointing decision, we are working closely with leaders in the region to better assess the wider economic implications and to consider what action can reasonably be taken. I've already held discussions with the leader of Swansea council about other projects that can support economic development in the area, and I'll be having further such discussions with leaders in the area over the coming months.
My colleagues and I will keep Members appraised of progress on this and will also be pressing UK Ministers on the outcomes.
Diolch, Llywydd. Ddoe, gwnaethpwyd datganiad yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin gan Ysgrifennydd Gwladol y DU dros Fusnes, Ynni a Strategaeth Ddiwydiannol, Greg Clark, ar brosiect arfaethedig morlyn llanw Bae Abertawe.
Gwnaeth Llywodraeth y DU hi yn glir y,
byddai'n anghyfrifol i ymrwymo mewn contract gyda'r darparwr
gan nad
oedd y cynnig wedi dangos y gallai fod yn cynrychioli gwerth am arian.
Mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi dod i'r casgliad na ddylid rhoi cyllid cyhoeddus i'r prosiect. Mae'r penderfyniad hwn gan Lywodraeth y DU i beidio â chefnogi morlyn llanw Bae Abertawe yn hynod o siomedig ac yn ergyd arall i Abertawe yn dilyn penderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU i beidio â thrydaneiddio prif reilffordd y Great Western i Abertawe. Er gwaethaf ein cynnig diffuant i helpu Llywodraeth y DU i sicrhau bod y cynnig hwn yn gweithio, y maen nhw'n gadael i'r cyfle pwysig hwn fynd drwy eu dwylo. Wrth wneud hynny, maen nhw wedi siomi pobl Cymru yn fawr.
Mae'r cyhoeddiad hwn yn dangos, unwaith eto, bod Llywodraeth y DU yn gwneud penderfyniadau polisi ynni ar gyfer Cymru yn seiliedig ar flaenoriaethau ynni Lloegr yn hytrach nag adlewyrchu'r cyfleoedd yma yng Nghymru. Mae gennym ni adnoddau sylweddol ar gyfer ynni cynaliadwy yng Nghymru, nad ydyn nhw ar gael yn Lloegr, y bydd yn rhaid inni eu harneisio os ydym am gyrraedd ein targedau datgarboneiddio yn rhan o'n rhwymedigaethau DU ehangach. Mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi methu â chydnabod y bydd cymysgedd ynni Cymru yn wahanol i'r un yn Lloegr.
Rydym wedi galw ar Lywodraeth y DU i ymateb i adolygiad Hendry o forlynnoedd llanw ar sawl achlysur. Hyd yn oed nawr maen nhw wedi methu â rhoi ateb digonol i'r argymhellion pwysig a wnaed ganddo. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn glir: penderfyniad polisi y DU yw'r penderfyniad i gefnogi morlynnoedd llanw ai peidio. Mae ganddyn nhw'r gallu a'r gefnogaeth ariannol i ysgwyddo'r risg ym meysydd technoleg newydd a datblygol nad oes gan Lywodraethau llai eraill ledled y DU o gwbl.
O'r diwrnod cyntaf un, roedd Llywodraeth Cymru yn cydnabod posibiliadau gweddnewidiol prosiect morlyn llanw Bae Abertawe ac fe wnaethom ni gynnig cyllid sylweddol i Lywodraeth y DU i helpu i wireddu'r prosiect. Yn anffodus, mae diffyg gweledigaeth a diffyg llwyr o ran uchelgais Llywodraeth y DU wedi lladd y prosiect hwn—prosiect a allai fod wedi rhoi Cymru a'r DU mewn sefyllfa o fod yn arwain y byd mewn diwydiant newydd byd-eang. Rydym ni wedi dweud yn gyson bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn fwy na pharod i weithio yn agos â Llywodraeth y DU a'r gweinyddiaethau eraill ledled y DU i ddatblygu diwydiant ynni'r môr llewyrchus yn y DU.
Nid oes gennym ni unrhyw amheuaeth ynglŷn â'r posibiliadau y mae ynni morol yn eu cyflwyno i Gymru, nid yn unig o safbwynt polisi ynni a datgarboneiddio, ond hefyd o safbwynt budd cymdeithasol ac economaidd hefyd. Yn wir, mae ynni morol yn cynnig posibiliadau enfawr i'r DU gyfan o ran datblygu gwybodaeth, technoleg a datblygiadau cyflenwad gadwyn, a fyddai o werth i fasnach ryngwladol yn y dyfodol.
Rydym wedi bod o'r farn honno am flynyddoedd lawer, a dyna pam yr ydym ni wedi blaenoriaethu twf diwydiant ynni llewyrchus fel arf allweddol ar gyfer datblygiad economaidd. Mae gan Gymru hanes rhagorol o gefnogi ynni morol. Buddsoddwyd dros €100 miliwn o gyllid gan yr UE, ynghyd â chefnogaeth ddomestig, a pharheir i fuddsoddi drwy Lywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer cefnogi prosiectau tonnau a ffrwd llanw. Mae cyllid gan yr UE yn cefnogi parth arddangos ffrwd llanw Morlais gorllewin Ynys Môn, parth arddangos tonnau de sir Benfro, yn ogystal â datblygwyr tonnau a ffrwd llanw. Rydym hefyd wedi cefnogi Ynni Morol Cymru sy'n datblygu ardal brofi ynni morol yn nyfrffordd Aberdaugleddau. Mae sir Benfro ac Ynys Môn yn dod yn ganolfannau ar gyfer datblygiadau tonnau a ffrwd llanw, ond bydd datblygiad pellach yn dibynnu ar gymorth refeniw gan Lywodraeth y DU.
Bydd datblygwyr morol, sydd â chynlluniau uchelgeisiol i ddefnyddio eu dyfeisiau yn nyfroedd Cymru, yn ystyried y cyhoeddiad hwn fel Llywodraeth y DU, yn anffodus, yn cau'r drws ar y diwydiant. Mae rhai eisoes yn ystyried torri ar eu cynlluniau yng Nghymru. Rwy'n galw felly ar Lywodraeth y DU i ailystyried ei chymorth hirdymor i'r diwydiant morol.
Bydd fy nghyd-Aelod, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Ynni, Cynllunio a Materion Gwledig yn ysgrifennu at yr Ysgrifennydd busnes ac ynni, Greg Clark, i bwysleisio pwysigrwydd cefnogi sector ynni adnewyddadwy yng Nghymru. Rydym eisoes wedi pwysleisio pwysigrwydd ariannu'r technolegau mwyaf fforddiadwy, fel gwynt ar y tir, i gadw costau cyffredinol cymorth yn isel.
Mae gan Lywodraeth Cymru ymrwymiad hirsefydlog i'r sector ynni adnewyddadwy a byddwn yn gofyn barn y diwydiant a'r cyrff priodol drwy uwchgynhadledd ynni i ddeall yn well sut y mae momentwm, yn enwedig ym maes ynni morol, am gael ei gynnal dros y misoedd a'r blynyddoedd nesaf.
Yng ngoleuni'r penderfyniad siomedig hwn, rydym yn gweithio'n agos gydag arweinyddion yn y rhanbarth i asesu'r goblygiadau economaidd ehangach yn well ac i ystyried pa gamau y gellir eu cymryd yn rhesymol. Rwyf eisoes wedi cynnal trafodaethau gydag arweinydd Cyngor Abertawe am brosiectau eraill a allai gefnogi datblygiad economaidd yn yr ardal, a byddwn yn cael rhagor o drafodaethau o'r fath gydag arweinyddion yn yr ardal yn ystod y misoedd nesaf.
Bydd fy nghydweithwyr a minnau yn hysbysu Aelodau am gynnydd yn hyn o beth a byddwn yn pwyso hefyd ar Weinidogion y DU o ran y canlyniadau.
I welcome the opportunity to respond to this statement. I wish it was a different type of statement, a statement welcoming the good news that we should have got from Westminster yesterday. I make no bones about it: I believe a positive decision was what was required yesterday, and I lobbied right up until the last minute to try and achieve that positive decision. Regrettably, it did not come through, and I commend everyone, from the Welsh Government right the way across the political divide in this Chamber, and those in civic society and in the business world, who championed the cause of the Swansea tidal lagoon. I bitterly regret that a more positive decision was not made yesterday, albeit, it is fair to say, that the numbers were always challenging if you looked at it on the economics of just the raw power that was generated.
And that, Cabinet Secretary, would be my first question to you. The UK Government have arrived at this decision based on their analysis of the information before them. The Secretary of State, in his statement yesterday, highlighted how Welsh Government have had at least 10 meetings with his department in this calendar year. Can you confirm that your officials have arrived at the same decision that officials within Greg Clark's department arrived at, or if there is evidence to prove that that decision was incorrect, based on the same paperwork that the officials from the two Governments were looking at, will you make that information available so that, obviously, we can have the fullest account of how the decision-making process arrived at the conclusion that it arrived at?
I'd also like to understand how the Welsh Government will be taking forward new opportunities. Obviously, the Secretary of State, in his statement yesterday, highlighted how the UK Government are in possession of alternative offers, alternative bids—I hope I've categorised it correctly, but certainly alternative proposals were definitely something that was put before the House of Commons yesterday in the statement. It would be beneficial to understand what role the Welsh Government will be playing to engage with those potential alternative offers that the Secretary of State identified in his statement yesterday.
What, for me, is really important here now is that, obviously, we assess where we can go from the position we find ourselves in today, which I say, quite openly, is not a position I would want us to be in, full stop. I wanted us to be in a position today of welcoming the Swansea tidal lagoon. I pay tribute, as I said, to all Members who have worked tirelessly on this. But it is a fact that we are in an era now where we need to assess how we can promote some of the most positive energy opportunities that exist around the whole coast of Wales. Since I've been in this Chamber, there have been two proposals—one of the Severn barrage and now the Swansea tidal lagoon—and neither one has come through. But what we do know is that raw asset does exist on our coastline and it does need to be tapped into and developed.
I would also ask the Cabinet Secretary, given that, listening to his statement today, I could have closed my eyes and heard the same argument coming from the opposition benches when he announced the Circuit of Wales proposals that were put before the Welsh Government, about supporting that particular project, where, in his opinion, obviously, that project was unaffordable and didn't stack up to the test that the Welsh Government had laid down. Now, being in the position to make these decisions, obviously the Cabinet Secretary would understand the process that is involved, and the process that was outlined by the UK Government yesterday seemed very familiar to the process that the Welsh Government was outlining in its decision when it came to the Circuit of Wales. So, I'd be grateful to understand how the Welsh Government will in future work to deliver major infrastructure projects, not just in energy but other major infrastructure projects, the length and breadth of Wales that can give developers confidence to look at Wales as an attractive destination.
In closing my remarks, I would just point out that, sadly, the statement only came into my possession two minutes before I stood up. So, I'm not quite sure what happened this afternoon. Some Members might not have even had that statement. It is normally a courtesy that Members do get sight of the statement. I appreciate it's a courtesy that doesn't have to be extended, but it is a courtesy that normally does happen, and I'd hope that he would look at what the communication problem was with the statement. Thank you.
Rwy'n croesawu'r cyfle i ymateb i'r datganiad hwn. Byddai'n dda gennyf i pe byddai hwn yn wahanol fath o ddatganiad, yn ddatganiad yn croesawu'r newyddion da y dylem ni fod wedi ei gael o San Steffan ddoe. Rwyf i am fod yn ddi-flewyn ar dafod: rwyf i o'r farn mai penderfyniad cadarnhaol oedd yr hyn oedd ei angen ddoe, ac mi wnes i lobïo tan y funud olaf i geisio sicrhau'r penderfyniad cadarnhaol hwnnw. Yn anffodus, ni ddigwyddodd hynny, ac rwy'n canmol pawb, o Lywodraeth Cymru a phawb ym mhob cwr o'r rhaniad gwleidyddol yn y Siambr hon, a'r rhai hynny yn y gymdeithas ddinesig ac yn y byd busnes, a fu'n hyrwyddo achos morlyn llanw Abertawe. Rwy'n gresynu'n fawr iawn na chafodd penderfyniad mwy cadarnhaol ei wneud ddoe, er, mae'n deg dweud bod y rhifolion bob amser yn heriol pe byddech yn edrych ar y mater dim ond ar sail yr economeg o ran y pŵer crai a gynhyrchid.
A dyna, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, fyddai fy nghwestiwn cyntaf i chi. Mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi dod i'r penderfyniad hwn yn seiliedig ar eu dadansoddiad o'r wybodaeth ger eu bron. Tynnodd yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol sylw, yn ei ddatganiad ddoe, at sut y mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi cael o leiaf 10 cyfarfod â'i adran ef yn y flwyddyn galendr hon. A wnewch chi gadarnhau bod eich swyddogion chi wedi dod i'r un penderfyniad ag y gwnaeth swyddogion yn adran Greg Clark, neu os oes tystiolaeth i brofi bod y penderfyniad hwnnw'n anghywir, yn seiliedig ar yr un gwaith papur y bydd swyddogion o'r ddwy Lywodraeth yn edrych arno, a wnewch chi roi'r wybodaeth honno ar gael fel y bydd gennym, yn amlwg, yr adroddiad llawnaf o sut y gwnaeth y broses gwneud penderfyniadau ddod i'r casgliad y daeth iddo?
Hoffwn ddeall hefyd sut bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn datblygu cyfleoedd newydd. Yn amlwg, roedd yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol, yn ei ddatganiad ddoe, yn tynnu sylw at sut y mae gan Lywodraeth y DU gynigion eraill yn ei meddiant, ceisiadau eraill—gobeithio fy mod i wedi categoreiddio hyn yn gywir, ond yn sicr roedd cynigiadau eraill yn bendant yn rhywbeth a roddwyd gerbron Tŷ'r Cyffredin ddoe yn y datganiad. Byddai'n fuddiol deall pa swyddogaeth fydd gan Lywodraeth Cymru i ymgysylltu'r cynigion eraill posibl hynny a nododd yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yn ei ddatganiad ddoe.
Yr hyn, i mi, sy'n bwysig iawn yn y fan yma yn awr, yn amlwg, yw ein bod yn asesu ein llwybr o'r sefyllfa y canfyddwn ein hunain ynddi heddiw, ac rwy'n dweud, yn gwbl agored, nad yw hi'n sefyllfa y byddwn yn dymuno i ni fod ynddi, a dyna'i diwedd hi. Roeddwn yn dymuno i ni i gyd fod yn y sefyllfa heddiw o groesawu morlyn llanw Abertawe. Rwy'n talu teyrnged, fel y dywedais, i bob Aelod sydd wedi gweithio yn ddiflino ar y mater hwn. Ond mae'n ffaith ein bod mewn oes bellach pan fo angen i ni asesu sut y gallwn hyrwyddo rhai o'r cyfleoedd ynni mwyaf cadarnhaol sydd yn bodoli o amgylch arfordir cyfan Cymru. Ers i mi fod yn y Siambr hon, bu dau gynnig—un o forglawdd yr Hafren a morlyn llanw Abertawe ar hyn o bryd—ac ni ddaeth y naill na'r llall i gyflawniad. Ond yr hyn a wyddom yw bod asedau crai yn bodoli ar ein harfordir ac mae angen manteisio arnyn nhw a'u datblygu.
Rwyf am ofyn i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet hefyd, o ystyried, o wrando ar ei ddatganiad heddiw, y gallwn fod wedi cau fy llygaid a chlywed yr un ddadl yn dod o feinciau'r gwrthbleidiau pan gyhoeddodd ef gynigion Cylchdaith Cymru a roddwyd gerbron Llywodraeth Cymru, i gefnogi'r prosiect arbennig hwnnw, pan, yn ei farn ef, yn amlwg, nad oedd y prosiect hwnnw'n fforddiadwy ac nid yn gallu sefyll y prawf yr oedd Llywodraeth Cymru wedi ei osod. Bellach, o fod yn y sefyllfa i wneud penderfyniadau fel hyn, byddai Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn amlwg yn deall y broses sy'n gysylltiedig, ac roedd y broses a amlinellwyd gan Lywodraeth y DU ddoe yn ymddangos yn debyg iawn i'r broses a amlinellodd Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei phenderfyniad o ran Cylchdaith Cymru. Felly, byddwn yn falch o gael deall sut bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio yn y dyfodol i gyflawni prosiectau seilwaith mawr, nid yn unig gydag ynni ond gyda phrosiectau seilwaith mawr eraill, ledled Cymru a allai roi hyder i ddatblygwyr i edrych ar Gymru fel cyrchfan atyniadol.
Wrth gloi fy sylwadau, hoffwn nodi mai dim ond dwy funud cyn i mi godi ar fy nhraed y cefais y datganiad hwn, yn anffodus. Felly, nid wyf yn hollol siŵr beth ddigwyddodd y prynhawn yma. Gall fod rhai Aelodau heb gael y datganiad hwnnw hyd yn oed. Fel arfer y mae'n gwrtais i'r Aelodau gael golwg ar y datganiad. Rwy'n deall mai cwrteisi yw hynny nad oes rhaid ei ymarfer, ond y mae'n digwydd fel arfer o ran cwrteisi, a byddwn yn gobeithio y byddai ef yn ystyried beth oedd y broblem cyfathrebu o ran y datganiad. Diolch.
Can I thank the Member for his questions? I apologise for the lateness of his receipt of the statement. I, too, received the statement, due to it being redrafted at very late stages, just a few minutes ago. But I have to say, I've been there when tough decisions have had to be made, and the Member identifies the Circuit of Wales decision as one primary example of how, in the face of intense public pressure and campaigns for a project to be given the go-ahead, you have to make sure that you assess it on the grounds of value for money and the wider benefits that a project can bring. But this project is distinctly different to the Circuit of Wales. The Circuit of Wales would have been on balance sheet. It would have required a potential £300 million of Welsh Government spend be put on hold as a consequence of that adjudication being that it had to be on balance sheet. The Circuit of Wales was not backed by an independent review by a former energy Minister. And, let's just remember, the main point of this project was that it was a pathfinder project and, as a pathfinder project, you would always expect additional costs to be incurred. The value-for-money test of a pathfinder project should be very different because of the opportunity costs that could be incurred in not pressing ahead with a particular project.
In terms of the Member wishing that it could have been a positive decision, I reflect on possibly what would have happened had David Cameron not called for a referendum on our membership of the EU. He would likely still be there as Prime Minister, we would not be facing the catastrophe of failed Brexit negotiations and, in all probability, given his personal support for this scheme and its inclusion in the 2015 Conservative Party manifesto, we would have seen a very different decision being reached yesterday. We may well have also seen a different decision over electrification. And for those reasons, I put responsibility for the decisions that have been made firmly at the door of Theresa May as Prime Minister and leader of the Conservative Party in Government in the UK.
Now, in terms of engagement, the developers contest the figures that have been produced. I received the detailed appraisal today. I've asked my officials to carry out a thorough assessment of it, but, again, as a pathfinder project, costs are always going to be higher. If we look at the development of onshore and offshore wind, costs were higher 10 years ago than they are today, and it's the opportunity costs that we now face having been lost. The opportunity costs could be substantial indeed if Wales does not become a world leader.
Now, the Member rightly identifies the point that was made in Parliament yesterday—the assurance that the UK Government is in receipt of proposals from what they say are other promoters of tidal energy schemes. I think we need to know who, and where those schemes are being promoted and where they would be installed, because we don't know, as of yet, whether any of those schemes—I understand that there are perhaps as many as half a dozen—are based on Swansea bay. We don't know who the promoters of those schemes are. We don't know what the costs will be of seeing those schemes through to completion. So, we await with very, very great interest the detail of those particular proposals.
I think we also need to make sure that discussions are maintained with city deal partners. I met yesterday with leaders of the Swansea bay city deal, and it's absolutely essential that we look not only at the future of marine energy in Swansea bay, but also at the wider economic development and regeneration of the region. I'm acutely conscious of the impact that this decision and the u-turning on electrification has had on the communities of Swansea bay, and in particular Swansea city itself. Granted, the UK Government will not be to blame for this, but, in addition, Swansea faced relegation this year from the Premier League. All of these factors contribute to a negative impact in terms of confidence and self-belief. That has to be addressed. The Welsh Government will work relentlessly and tirelessly with the local authority and partners across the Swansea bay city region to find investment projects that can rebuild the confidence of the people of Swansea and ensure that the marine energy industry in Swansea bay, and across Wales, has a very strong and positive future indeed.
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Aelod am ei gwestiynau? Rwy'n ymddiheuro am ei fod mor hwyr yn cael y datganiad. Dim ond rai munudau yn ôl y cefais innau'r datganiad hefyd gan iddo gael ei ailddrafftio ar gam diweddar iawn. Ond mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, rwyf wedi bod yno pan oedd yn rhaid gwneud penderfyniadau anodd, ac mae'r Aelod yn nodi penderfyniad Cylchdaith Cymru fel un enghraifft sylfaenol o sut, yn wyneb pwysau gan y cyhoedd a'r ymgyrchoedd dros roi sêl bendith i brosiect, mae'n rhaid i chi wneud yn siŵr eich bod yn ei asesu ar sail gwerth am arian a manteision ehangach a allai ddod yn sgil prosiect. Ond mae'r prosiect hwn yn wahanol iawn i Gylchdaith Cymru. Byddai Cylchdaith Cymru wedi bod ar y fantolen. Byddai wedi bod angen gohirio £300 miliwn o wariant Llywodraeth Cymru o bosib o ganlyniad i'r dyfarniad hwnnw ei bod yn rhaid iddo fod ar y fantolen. Ni chafodd Cylchdaith Cymru ei gefnogi mewn adolygiad annibynnol gan gyn-Weinidog ynni. A, gadewch i ni ddwyn i gof, prif bwynt y prosiect hwn oedd ei fod yn brosiect braenaru a chan ei fod yn brosiect braenaru, byddech yn disgwyl costau ychwanegol bob amser. Dylai'r prawf gwerth am arian gan brosiect braenaru fod yn wahanol iawn oherwydd y costau cyfle a allai godi wrth beidio â bwrw ymlaen â phrosiect arbennig.
O ran dymuniad yr Aelod y gallai hwn fod wedi bod yn benderfyniad cadarnhaol, rwy'n myfyrio ar yr hyn a fyddai wedi digwydd o bosib pe na byddai David Cameron wedi galw am refferendwm ar ein haelodaeth o'r UE. Mae'n debygol y byddai ef yn dal i fod yno o hyd yn Brif Weinidog, ni fyddem yn wynebu trychineb methiant o ran negodiadau Brexit ac, yn ôl pob tebyg, o ystyried ei gefnogaeth bersonol i'r cynllun hwn a'r ffaith ei fod wedi ei gynnwys ym maniffesto 2015 y Blaid Geidwadol, byddem wedi gweld penderfyniad gwahanol iawn yn cael ei wneud ddoe. Efallai wir y byddem ni wedi gweld penderfyniad gwahanol hefyd o ran trydaneiddio. Ac am y rhesymau hynny, mae'r bai am y penderfyniadau a wnaethpwyd, yn bendant yn fy marn i, yn disgyn ar Theresa May fel Prif Weinidog ac Arweinydd y Blaid Geidwadol sydd yn llywodraethu yn y DU.
Nawr, o ran ymgysylltu, mae datblygwyr yn herio'r ffigurau a gynhyrchwyd. Cefais yr arfarniad manwl heddiw. Rwyf wedi gofyn i'm swyddogion gynnal asesiad trylwyr o hwnnw, ond, unwaith eto, fel prosiect braenaru, mae'r costau yn mynd i fod yn uwch bob amser. Os edrychwn ni ar ddatblygu gwynt ar y tir a'r môr, roedd costau yn uwch 10 mlynedd yn ôl nag y maen nhw heddiw, a'r costau cyfle yr ydym yn wynebu ar hyn o bryd wedi eu colli. Gallai'r costau cyfle fod yn sylweddol yn wir os na ddaw Cymru yn arweinydd byd-eang.
Nawr, mae'r Aelod yn nodi yn gywir bod y pwynt a wnaethpwyd yn y Senedd ddoe—y sicrwydd fod Llywodraeth y DU wedi derbyn cynigion gan rai y maen nhw'n ei ddweud sy'n hyrwyddwyr eraill o gynlluniau ynni llanw. Rwy'n credu bod angen i ni wybod pwy, ac ymhle y mae'r cynlluniau hynny yn cael eu hyrwyddo ac ymhle y bydden nhw'n cael eu sefydlu, oherwydd nid ydym yn gwybod, hyd yma, a yw unrhyw un o'r cynlluniau hynny—rwy'n deall efallai fod cynifer â hanner dwsin—yn seiliedig ar Fae Abertawe. Nid ydym yn gwybod pwy yw hyrwyddwyr y cynlluniau hynny. Nid ydym yn gwybod beth fydd y costau o weld y cynlluniau hynny'n cael eu cwblhau. Felly, rydym yn disgwyl am fanylion y cynigion arbennig hynny gyda diddordeb mawr iawn.
Credaf fod angen i ni hefyd wneud yn siŵr bod trafodaethau yn cael eu cynnal â phartneriaid bargen ddinesig. Cyfarfûm ag arweinwyr bargen ddinesig Bae Abertawe ddoe, ac mae'n gwbl hanfodol ein bod ni'n edrych nid yn unig ar ddyfodol ynni morol ym Mae Abertawe, ond ar ddatblygu ac adfywio economaidd y rhanbarth yn ehangach. Rwy'n ymwybodol iawn o'r effaith y mae'r penderfyniad hwn a'r tro pedol ar drydaneiddio wedi ei gael ar gymunedau Bae Abertawe, ac yn arbennig ar Ddinas Abertawe ei hun. Rwy'n cyfaddef nad ar Lywodraeth y DU mae'r bai am hyn, ond, yn ogystal â hynny, wynebodd Abertawe ddiraddiad eleni o'r uwch gynghrair. Mae'r holl ffactorau hyn yn cyfrannu at effaith negyddol o ran hyder a hunan-gred. Mae'n rhaid mynd i'r afael â hynny. Bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio'n ddygn ac yn ddiflino gyda'r awdurdod lleol a phartneriaid ledled dinas ranbarth Bae Abertawe i ddod o hyd i brosiectau buddsoddi a all adfer hyder pobl Abertawe a sicrhau bod gan y diwydiant ynni morol ym Mae Abertawe, a ledled Cymru, ddyfodol cadarnhaol a chryf iawn yn wir.
Can I thank the Cabinet Secretary for his statement, and thank him also for being able to fit it in this afternoon? But I have to say, as a representative who lives in Swansea, this has been an absolutely devastating decision. I don't know if I can do justice to the unbridled fury that people were communicating with me last night about this decision. Basically, words cannot convey my depth of devastation. This is a wonderful project. There's tremendous potential for tidal energy in Swansea bay and the Bristol channel—the second largest tidal range in the world. People are always saying, 'You haven't got any resources in Wales'. We have, you know; it's just we don't tap them. This decision is incredible in its foolhardiness, I have to say, denying us releasing the tremendous potential for tidal energy. As you've said, this first pathfinder project—a pilot scheme, obviously—was not the biggest, and quite a small one, but five far bigger ones would follow, and Wales would then eventually become completely self-sustaining in energy terms. That is the renewable future, surely.
This comes on the same day as we've had a third runway expansion in Heathrow and obviously, a previous announcement about nuclear energy receiving more public subsidy. In other words, the idea is already there—public subsidy for large energy projects—and as the tidal lagoon companies say themselves, yes, there would be an increase in energy prices on bills for consumers, as Lee Waters pointed out earlier: 30p per year for households, compared to an extra £15 per year for nuclear. That's the comparison. Obviously, the tidal lagoon company—lots of us have been meeting with them over the years. Plaid Cymru first passed a policy of having a tidal lagoon in Swansea bay in our Swansea conference in 2006. Some of us have been working on this for nearly 15 years with the company, and it is immensely devastating what's happening. The company have heard nothing from the Westminster Government for two years. You've got to ask—and I would ask you now to confirm—what lines of communication have there been? The company says they've heard next to nothing from Government for two years:
'The lack of engagement with us during this process has been highly disturbing'.
That's the chair of Tidal Lagoon Power saying that. We've got to understand how we arrived at this decision 18 months after Charles Hendry and his superb report said it would be a no-regrets decision and a no-brainer. So, all of a sudden now, 18 months of waiting for a big enough decision to try and bury this bad news, and then it seeps out after lots of delays, and we're devastatingly disappointed that innovative, world-leading technology now looks to have been denied to Wales. I know there's a feeling in Westminster sometimes that little Wales couldn't be a world leader in anything, but we could have been here, and I want to know from the Cabinet Secretary how he intends to take this whole agenda forward, because the tides are still there, ebbing and flowing as we speak, only not being utilised for the benefit of the people of this nation.
It's the same strike price as Hinkley Point—like I said, a negligible addition to annual electricity bills for consumers. We've lost electrification to Swansea. Despite electrification being a live process in railways north of Manchester, it's somehow obsolete when it comes to Wales, and the Secretary of State for Wales says we're better off with diesel, and people say diesel is adversely affecting our health. Yes, it is adversely affecting our health.
More about the Secretary of State tomorrow no doubt, but two questions to finish. There was all-party support here which, to be fair, has been reflected. Westminster crushes that despite all-party agreement here. We really need to take control over our future generally, but particularly now in energy terms. So, how is the Cabinet Secretary going to move this agenda forward? Because I have an abiding feeling, after this huge decision, with any marine energy project in Wales now—how is that going to be viewed outside? How is that going to be viewed? Dead in the water?
My other question is: there is a very important debate tomorrow on a motion of no confidence in the Secretary of State for Wales. Westminster's man in Wales, certainly. This decision has crushed us. Will you be supporting that no-confidence vote?
A gaf i ddiolch i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am ei ddatganiad, a diolch iddo hefyd am allu rhoi amser iddo y prynhawn yma? Ond mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, fel cynrychiolydd sy'n byw yn Abertawe, bod hwn wedi bod yn benderfyniad cwbl ddistrywiol. Nid wyf i'n gwybod a allaf i wneud cyfiawnder â'r gwylltineb rhemp yr oedd pobl yn ei gyfathrebu i mi neithiwr am y penderfyniad hwn. Yn y bôn, ni all geiriau gyfleu maint fy siomiant. Mae hwn yn brosiect i'w ryfeddu. Mae potensial aruthrol i ynni llanw ym Mae Abertawe a sianel Bryste—yr ail amrediad llanw mwyaf yn y byd. Mae pobl yn dweud bob amser, 'Nid oes gennych chi unrhyw adnoddau yng Nghymru'. Mae gennym ni, wyddoch chi; ond nid ydym yn manteisio arnyn nhw. Mae ffolineb y penderfyniad hwn yn anhygoel, mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, yn gwrthod i ni ryddhau potensial aruthrol ynni llanw. Fel yr ydych chi wedi'i ddweud, nid y prosiect braenaru cyntaf hwn—cynllun arbrofol, mae'n amlwg—oedd y mwyaf, ac roedd yn un eithaf bychan, ond byddai pump o rai llawer mwy wedi dilyn, a byddai Cymru wedyn yn y pen draw yn dod yn gwbl hunangynhaliol o ran ynni. Dyna'r dyfodol adnewyddadwy, 'does bosib.
Daw hyn ar yr un diwrnod ag y gwelsom ni ehangu'r drydedd redfa yn Heathrow ac yn amlwg, cyhoeddiad blaenorol am ynni niwclear yn cael mwy o gymhorthdal cyhoeddus. Mewn geiriau eraill, mae'r syniad yno eisoes—cymhorthdal cyhoeddus i brosiectau ynni mawr—ac fel y dywed y cwmnïau morlyn llanw eu hunain, byddai, fe fyddai cynnydd mewn prisiau ynni ar filiau'r defnyddwyr, fel y nododd Lee Waters yn gynharach: 30c y flwyddyn i aelwydydd, o'i gymharu â £15 ychwanegol y flwyddyn ar gyfer ynni niwclear. Dyna'r gymhariaeth. Yn amlwg, y cwmni morlyn llanw—mae llawer ohonom ni wedi bod yn cyfarfod â nhw dros y blynyddoedd. Pasiodd Plaid Cymru'r polisi o gael morlyn llanw ym Mae Abertawe gyntaf yn ein cynhadledd yn Abertawe yn 2006. Mae rhai ohonom ni wedi bod yn gweithio ar hyn gyda'r cwmni ers bron i 15 mlynedd, ac mae'r hyn sy'n digwydd yn hynod siomedig. Nid yw'r cwmni wedi clywed dim gan Lywodraeth San Steffan am ddwy flynedd. Mae'n rhaid i chi ofyn—a byddwn yn gofyn ichi gadarnhau nawr—pa linellau cyfathrebu a fu? Mae'r cwmni yn dweud ei fod wedi clywed y nesaf peth i ddim gan y Llywodraeth am ddwy flynedd:
Mae'r diffyg ymgysylltu â ni yn ystod y broses hon wedi bod yn hynod annymunol.
Cadeirydd Tidal Lagoon Power sy'n dweud hynny. Mae'n rhaid i ni ddeall sut y daethom i'r penderfyniad hwn 18 mis ar ôl i Charles Hendry a'i adroddiad gwych ddweud y byddai hwn yn benderfyniad amlwg na fyddem yn difaru ei wneud. Felly, yn sydyn nawr, 18 mis o aros am benderfyniad ddigon mawr i geisio claddu'r newyddion drwg hyn, ac yna mae'n diferu allan ar ôl llawer o oedi, ac rydym yn hynod o siomedig ei bod yn ymddangos bod technoleg arloesol, sy'n arwain y byd wedi ei gwadu i Gymru. Rwy'n gwybod bod teimlad yn San Steffan weithiau na all Cymru fach arwain y byd mewn dim, ond gallasem fod wedi gwneud hynny yn hyn o beth, a hoffwn gael gwybod gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet sut y mae ef yn bwriadu datblygu'r holl agenda hon, gan fod y llanw yn dal yno, yn treio a llenwi wrth inni siarad, ond nid yn cael ei ddefnyddio er budd pobl y wlad hon.
Yr un pris taro sydd yn Hinkley Point—fel y dywedais, ychwanegiad bychan iawn at filiau trydan blynyddol i ddefnyddwyr. Rydym wedi colli trydaneiddio i Abertawe. Er bod trydaneiddio yn broses fyw ar reilffyrdd i'r gogledd o Fanceinion, nid yw'n ymddangos yn gymwys rywsut yn achos Cymru, a dywed Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru ein bod yn well ein byd gyda diesel, ac mae pobl yn dweud bod diesel yn effeithio'n andwyol ar ein hiechyd. Ydy, mae'n effeithio'n andwyol ar ein hiechyd.
Bydd mwy am yr Ysgrifennydd Gwladol yfory yn ddiamau, ond dau gwestiwn i orffen. Roedd cefnogaeth gan yr holl bleidiau yn y fan hon sydd, a bod yn deg, wedi ei adlewyrchu. Mae San Steffan yn anwybyddu hynny er gwaethaf cytundeb yr holl bleidiau yn y fan hon. Mae gwir angen inni gymryd rheolaeth ar ein dyfodol yn gyffredinol, ond yn arbennig nawr o ran ynni. Felly, sut mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn mynd i symud yr agenda hon yn ei blaen? Oherwydd mae gennyf deimlad diysgog, ar ôl y penderfyniad enfawr hwn, gydag unrhyw brosiect ynni'r môr yng Nghymru erbyn hyn—sut y caiff hynny ei weld o'r tu allan? Sut bydd hynny'n cael ei weld? Wedi darfod amdano?
Fy nghwestiwn arall yw: bydd dadl bwysig iawn yfory ar y cynnig o ddiffyg hyder yn Ysgrifennydd Gwladol Cymru. Dyn San Steffan yng Nghymru, yn sicr. Mae'r penderfyniad hwn yn wir wedi ein digalonni. A fyddwch chi'n cefnogi'r bleidlais diffyg hyder honno?
Can I thank the Member for his contribution, the points that he's raised, and the obvious fury that he's relayed from Swansea bay? I think it was Shakespeare who said something along the lines of 'could not wield the words to matter', and right now I think people are lost for words in expressing their anger, their frustration, their disappointment with the UK Government for taking a short-sighted view of marine energy.
As I said earlier, what we wanted to see happen through this pathfinder project was the creation of an entirely new industry that Wales could lead the world in—an entirely new industry with enormous intellectual property owned by Welsh-based companies. That would have created jobs and opportunities not just in Swansea bay, but in the other locations where tidal lagoons were proposed. It could have led to a huge increase in opportunities in terms of the visitor economy as well. But all is not lost. We made an offer of £200 million to get this project over the line. What we intend to do is to host a marine energy summit in Swansea as soon as possible, with key stakeholders, with leaders in industry, to discuss how we can maintain the momentum that we've built in terms of marine energy in recent years, how we could potentially utilise the £200 million that we've made available for this particular project, how we can look at other proposals—hopefully by then we'll have some detail on the alternatives—how we could potentially use those alternative proposals to benefit Swansea bay and, indeed, the rest of Wales, and how collectively we can build on the Welsh Government investments to date to ensure that Wales maintains its position as a global leader in terms of marine energy. Because I fear, Llywydd, that if Welsh Government doesn't take this action for the people, with the people, and on behalf of the people of Swansea bay, then we'll end up with the French taking ownership of this project and taking a lead globally. It's a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity that could be granted to the French as a consequence of the UK Government making this decision.
So, we will not abandon the sector. Far from it; we'll look at how we can build on those projects in south Pembrokeshire, in Milford Haven and also in Anglesey, and we'll look at how we can go on building the strength and the capabilities, the research capabilities, within the sector as well.
I have to say, the Member touched on the crucial point of energy independence and energy security, which is so important to a vibrant economy. The United States of America managed to secure energy independence through its course of action on fracking. We in the Welsh Labour Government have been absolutely committed to securing as great a degree of energy independence from renewable sources. We remain absolutely committed to that cause and we will explore every avenue to deliver greater, greener growth in terms of energy production. We're determined to ensure that fairer opportunities for economic development are passed right across the regions. I'm acutely aware of the frustrations that exist in Swansea bay and elsewhere in Wales in terms of regional inequality. That is the whole point of the new economic action plan—to iron out inequalities across Wales and to make sure that those regions that currently feel marginalised feel emboldened and empowered to be as strong as they can possibly be, based on their existing capabilities. And, within the Swansea bay region, we know that one of the finest strengths that they possess right now concerns marine energy and we will support that region all the way.
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Aelod am ei gyfraniad, y pwyntiau a gododd, a'r cynddaredd amlwg y mae wedi ei drosglwyddo o Fae Abertawe? Credaf mai Shakespeare a ddywedodd rhywbeth tebyg i "could not wield the words to matter" ac ar y foment hon rwyf i o'r farn nad oes gan bobl eiriau i fynegi eu dicter, eu rhwystredigaeth, eu siomiant gyda Llywodraeth y DU am fod mor gibddall o ran ynni morol.
Fel y dywedais yn gynharach, yr hyn yr oeddem yn dymuno ei weld yn digwydd drwy'r prosiect braenaru hwn oedd creu diwydiant cwbl newydd y gallai Cymru arwain y byd ynddo— diwydiant cwbl newydd gydag eiddo deallusol anferth yn eiddo i gwmnïau o Gymru. Byddai hynny wedi creu swyddi a chyfleoedd nid yn unig ym Mae Abertawe, ond yn y lleoliadau eraill lle y cynigiwyd cael morlynnoedd llanw. Gallai fod wedi arwain at gynnydd enfawr yn y cyfleoedd o ran yr economi ymwelwyr hefyd. Ond nid dyma ei diwedd hi eto. Gwnaethom gynnig o £200 miliwn i wireddu'r prosiect hwn. Yr hyn y bwriadwn ei wneud yw cynnal uwchgynhadledd ynni morol yn Abertawe cyn gynted â phosibl, gyda rhanddeiliaid allweddol, ac arweinyddion diwydiannol, i drafod sut y gallwn gynnal y momentwm yr ydym wedi'i adeiladu o ran ynni morol yn y blynyddoedd diwethaf, sut y gallem ni o bosib ddefnyddio'r £200 miliwn yr ydym wedi'i roi ar gael ar gyfer y prosiect penodol hwn, sut y gallwn edrych ar gynigion eraill—gobeithio erbyn hynny y bydd gennym ni rai manylion am y dewisiadau eraill—sut y gallem ni o bosib ddefnyddio'r cynigion eraill hynny er budd Bae Abertawe ac, yn wir, gweddill Cymru, a sut y gallwn ni adeiladu gyda'n gilydd ar fuddsoddiadau Llywodraeth Cymru hyd yn hyn i sicrhau bod Cymru yn cadw ei safle fel arweinydd byd-eang o ran ynni morol. Oherwydd mae arnaf ofn, Llywydd, os nad yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn cymryd y camau hyn er mwyn y bobl, gyda'r bobl, ac ar ran pobl Bae Abertawe, y byddwn yn y pen draw yn gweld Ffrainc yn cymryd perchnogaeth o'r prosiect hwn ac yn arwain y ffordd yn fyd-eang. Mae'n gyfle unigryw y gellid ei roi i Ffrainc o ganlyniad i Lywodraeth y DU yn gwneud y penderfyniad hwn.
Felly, ni fyddwn yn troi cefn ar y sector. I'r gwrthwyneb; byddwn ni'n edrych ar sut y gallwn adeiladu ar y prosiectau hynny yn ne Sir Benfro, yn Aberdaugleddau a hefyd ar Ynys Môn, a byddwn ni'n edrych ar sut y gallwn ni ddal ati i adeiladu'r cryfder a'r galluoedd, galluoedd ymchwil, o fewn y sector hefyd.
Mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud, cyffyrddodd yr Aelod â phwynt hollbwysig annibyniaeth ynni a diogelwch ynni, sydd mor bwysig i economi ffyniannus. Llwyddodd yr Unol Daleithiau i sicrhau annibyniaeth ynni drwy eu camau gweithredu ar ffracio. Rydym ni yn Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru wedi ymrwymo'n llwyr i sicrhau cymaint o annibyniaeth ynni â phosibl o ffynonellau adnewyddadwy. Rydym yn parhau yn gwbl ymrwymedig i'r achos hwnnw a byddwn yn archwilio pob llwybr i sicrhau twf gwyrddach, gwell o ran cynhyrchu ynni. Rydym yn benderfynol i sicrhau bod cyfleoedd tecach i ddatblygiad economaidd yn cael eu trosglwyddo ledled y rhanbarthau. Rwy'n ymwybodol iawn o'r rhwystredigaeth sy'n bodoli ym Mae Abertawe ac mewn mannau eraill yng Nghymru o ran anghydraddoldeb rhanbarthol. Dyna holl bwynt y cynllun gweithredu economaidd newydd—datrys anghydraddoldebau ledled Cymru a gwneud yn siŵr bod y rhanbarthau hynny sy'n teimlo ar y cyrion ar hyn o bryd yn teimlo eu bod wedi'u calonogi a'u grymuso i fod mor gryf ag y gallan nhw fod, ar sail eu galluoedd presennol. Ac, o fewn rhanbarth Bae Abertawe, gwyddom fod un o'r cryfderau mwyaf sydd ganddyn nhw yn eu meddiant ar hyn o bryd yn ymwneud ag ynni morol a byddwn yn cefnogi'r rhanbarth hwnnw ar bob cam o'r daith.
Thank you for your statement, Cabinet Secretary. I, like all of us in this Chamber, am deeply, deeply disappointed by the UK Government's announcement yesterday. Yet again, the UK Government has shown utter contempt for my region by reneging as well on the promise to deliver electrification to Swansea and now have scuppered Swansea's chance to lead the world in innovative renewable energy.
I shouldn't be surprised by yesterday's announcement, because the press seems to have known for months that the tidal lagoon was going to be rejected. I had hoped that furious negotiations were going on behind the scenes. Cabinet Secretary, in your discussions with the UK Government and Tidal Lagoon Power, was it at all clear that the two sides were even talking to each other, or do you believe, as I do, that the UK Government were merely seeking time to build a case to support their decision to reject the proposals?
Cabinet Secretary, the UK Government shouldn't be surprised by the depth of feeling from this Chamber—and not only in this Chamber, from my constituents as well, and I've just been reading e-mails regarding how they feel. All sides in this Chamber have made it abundantly clear that we have supported this project—even the Government’s own advisers supported this project, and it’s shameful that Theresa May has ignored all of that support.
The UK Government cite costs as the sole reason for rejecting this bid, claiming offshore wind is much more cost effective. Cabinet Secretary, in your interactions with the UK Government Ministers, has the significant investment in offshore wind been discussed? Offshore wind is only cheaper now because of heavy subsidies in its earlier development.
And, finally, Cabinet Secretary, are you aware of whether or not the UK Government considered energy security when reaching their decision on the tidal lagoon? The UK is currently at the mercy of geopolitically unstable nations for much of their energy needs, and the tidal lagoon would help the UK become more self-sufficient. So, I thank you for your support on this, Cabinet Secretary. You have my party's support in fighting this decision by the UK Government. Diolch yn fawr.
Diolch ichi am eich datganiad, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Rwyf i, fel pob un ohonom ni yn y Siambr hon, wedi fy siomi'n fawr iawn, iawn gan gyhoeddiad Llywodraeth y DU ddoe. Unwaith eto, mae Llywodraeth y DU yn dangos dirmyg llwyr tuag at fy rhanbarth i gan fynd yn ôl hefyd ar yr addewid i ddarparu trydaneiddio i Abertawe a bellach rydym wedi difetha cyfle Abertawe i arwain y byd ym maes ynni adnewyddadwy arloesol.
Ni ddylwn gael fy synnu gan gyhoeddiad ddoe, oherwydd mae'n ymddangos bod y wasg yn gwybod ers misoedd y byddai'r morlyn llanw yn cael ei wrthod. Roeddwn wedi gobeithio bod negodiadau ffyrnig yn digwydd tu ôl i'r llenni. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, yn eich trafodaethau â Llywodraeth y DU a Tidal Lagoon Power, a oedd hi'n glir o gwbl fod y ddwy ochr hyd yn oed yn siarad â'i gilydd, neu a ydych chi'n credu, fel minnau, bod Llywodraeth y DU ddim ond yn aros eu hamser i lunio achos i gefnogi eu penderfyniad i wrthod y cynigion?
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ni ddylai Llywodraeth y DU gael ei synnu gan ddyfnder y teimlad o'r Siambr hon—ac nid yn unig o'r Siambr hon, o'm hetholwyr i hefyd, ac rwyf newydd fod yn darllen negeseuon e-bost ynglŷn â sut y maen nhw'n teimlo. Mae pob ochr yn y Siambr hon yn ei gwneud yn gwbl glir ein bod wedi cefnogi'r prosiect hwn—roedd hyd yn oed cynghorwyr y Llywodraeth yn cefnogi'r prosiect hwn, ac mae'n gywilyddus fod Theresa May wedi anwybyddu'r holl gefnogaeth honno.
Mae Llywodraeth y DU yn cyfeirio at gostau fel yr unig reswm dros wrthod y cais hwn, gan hawlio bod gwynt ar y môr yn llawer mwy cost-effeithiol. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, yn eich rhyngweithio â Gweinidogion Llywodraeth y DU, a gafodd y buddsoddiad sylweddol mewn gwynt ar y môr ei drafod? Yr unig reswm y mae gwynt ar y môr yn rhatach ar hyn o bryd yw'r cymorthdaliadau mawr yn ei ddatblygiad cynharach.
Ac, yn olaf, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a ydych chi'n ymwybodol neu beidio o ba un a yw Llywodraeth y DU wedi ystyried diogelwch ynni wrth ddod i benderfyniad ar y morlyn llanw? Ar hyn o bryd yn y DU rydym ar drugaredd gwledydd geowleidyddol ansefydlog am lawer o'n hanghenion ynni, a byddai'r morlyn llanw yn helpu'r DU i fod yn fwy hunangynhaliol. Felly, diolchaf ichi am eich cefnogaeth yn hyn o beth, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Mae gennych chi gefnogaeth fy mhlaid i wrth ymladd yn erbyn y penderfyniad hwn gan Lywodraeth y DU. Diolch yn fawr.
Can I thank Caroline Jones for the contribution she's made today, her comments and her questions? First of all, with regard to the speculation that has appeared over many weeks now in the press, it would appear to me—perhaps I'm just becoming more cynical, but it would appear to me that a decision perhaps was reached some time ago and that an opportunity was being looked for in order to conceal this decision behind it. And yesterday, with the vote on Heathrow, does appear to have been a great opportunity for the UK Government to have buried the Swansea bay tidal lagoon beneath a third runway at Heathrow.
It's also ironic and tragic that, yesterday, Welsh Government was able to announce a hugely ambitious world-first proposal for test facilities for the rail industry here in Wales and, at that same time, the UK Government was turning down an opportunity to develop a new world-class industry for Wales—incredibly ironic that these two decisions came on the same day, but tragic also.
As I've said, we will not give up on the sector in Wales and the Member is absolutely right that offshore wind power generation, in its inception, was very expensive, and costs have been reduced over time as it's been mainstreamed. In terms of energy security and whether this was a factor in their decision, as far as I'm aware, it was not. However, as I say, the detailed appraisal was received just today. I'm going through it currently—I've asked officials to analyse it as well.
I think what's important, as we move forward, is that we continue to engage with the sector, even if the UK Government turns its back on the sector. It would appear, based on what Tidal Lagoon Power have said, that discussions broke down some time ago between them and the UK Government, in which case I must come to the conclusion—it's the same conclusion that Charles Hendry has reached—that, actually, the UK Government could have said that they weren't going to support it many, many months ago and saved the company and saved an entire region the heartache of the decision being delayed and delayed, and hopes being raised in the intervening time.
A gaf i ddiolch i Caroline Jones am y cyfraniad a wnaeth hi heddiw, ei sylwadau a'i chwestiynau? Yn gyntaf oll, o ran y dyfalu sydd wedi ymddangos dros nifer o wythnosau bellach yn y wasg, mae'n ymddangos i mi—efallai fy mod i'n mynd ychydig yn fwy sinigaidd, ond mae'n ymddangos i mi fod penderfyniad wedi ei wneud beth amser yn ôl efallai gan aros wedyn am gyfle i gael rhywbeth i guddio'r penderfyniad hwn y tu ôl iddo. Ac roedd ddoe, gyda'r bleidlais ar Heathrow, yn ymddangos yn gyfle gwych i Lywodraeth y DU gladdu morlyn llanw Bae Abertawe o dan drydedd redfa yn Heathrow.
Hefyd mae'n eironig ac yn drasig, ddoe, bod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi gallu cyhoeddi cynnig cyntaf trwy'r byd hynod uchelgeisiol ar gyfer cyfleusterau profi ar gyfer y diwydiant rheilffyrdd yma yng Nghymru ac, ar yr un pryd, roedd Llywodraeth y DU yn gwrthod y cyfle i ddatblygu diwydiant newydd o'r radd flaenaf i Gymru—mae'n hynod eironig bod y ddau benderfyniad hyn yn dod ar yr un diwrnod, ond trist hefyd.
Fel y dywedais, ni fyddwn yn troi cefn ar y sector yng Nghymru ac mae'r Aelod yn llygad ei le fod cynhyrchu ynni gwynt ar y môr, ar y cychwyn, yn ddrud iawn, ac mae costau wedi gostwng dros amser wrth iddo gael ei brif-ffrydio. O ran diogelwch ynni a pha un a oedd hynny'n elfen yn eu penderfyniad, cyn belled ag y gwn i, nid oedd hynny'n wir. Fodd bynnag, fel y dywedaf, dim ond heddiw y derbyniwyd yr arfarniad manwl. Rwy'n mynd drwyddo ar hyn o bryd—rwyf wedi gofyn i swyddogion ei ddadansoddi hefyd.
Rwyf i o'r farn mai'r hyn sy'n bwysig, wrth inni symud ymlaen, yw ein bod yn parhau i weithio gyda'r sector, hyd yn oed os bydd Llywodraeth y DU yn troi ei chefn ar y sector. Mae'n ymddangos, yn seiliedig ar yr hyn y mae Tidal Lagoon Power wedi'i ddweud, bod y trafodaethau wedi mynd i'r wal gryn amser yn ôl rhyngddyn nhw a Llywodraeth y DU, ac os felly mae'n rhaid dod i'r casgliad—yr un casgliad ag y daeth Charles Hendry iddo—sef, mewn gwirionedd, y gallai Llywodraeth y DU fod wedi dweud nad oedden nhw yn mynd i'w gefnogi fisoedd lawer iawn yn ôl ac arbed y cwmni ac arbed y rhanbarth cyfan rhag y gofid wrth ohirio'r penderfyniad dro ar ôl tro, a chodi gobeithion yn y cyfamser.
The proposal straddles the boundary of my constituency and that of my friend and colleague David Rees. I think that Dai Lloyd did mention the anger and the betrayal, and there's been a tremendous feeling amongst people of anger and betrayal. I went out last night and people wanted to come and tell me how angry and betrayed they were. But that wasn't what hurt—the bit that hurt was those who said, 'Well, we were never going to get it. We never get anything in Swansea. We're always left behind', and this feeling, really, of a lack of hope. I think that that is the bit that I found most hurtful—that people saw the lack of hope, that we were on the periphery of the Westminster Government's radar and we were very much left behind.
I think that you've got to remember that prototypes cost more—they always cost more. Can I take people back to wind and solar, when they first came out and they were incredibly expensive? Do you remember those people were saying, 'Gas is cheaper. Why are you doing this? We could be using gas. There's plenty of gas around. We can be using gas turbines; it would save lots of money'? Do you remember that?
Also, can I mention nuclear? Calder Hall, created in 1956—they've had 62 years to bring down the cost of nuclear and still they have failed, with what we're paying now for the electricity that's going to be generated in Hinkley Point. That is an example of something that hasn't come down in price to the level we expected, but we would never have built Calder Hall if it had been done on a price comparison against coal—coal was a lot cheaper. In fact, every power station in Britain would be coal, because coal was cheaper than any other method at the time the new methods came in.
Can I just use two historical examples? Because I know that Suzy Davies did that in her IWA article, which I pay credit to, but also two that she didn't use: Stephenson's Rocket—I can just imagine now these people saying, 'Rail? I can get faster from Stockton to Darlington on horseback than I can by rail. What a stupid idea to bring in rail. It's much cheaper and quicker on horseback'. And the other one is, of course—let's talk about steamboats, because steamboats were small, weren't very successful. Sail was so much better. But they developed the technology and it created steamships, which made the world a much smaller place in terms of the time it took to move around.
I have no doubt that Swansea will have a tidal lagoon. My concern, and I ask the Cabinet Secretary if he shares it, is that we'll be the ninth or tenth in the world to have it, we won't have the design capacity, we won't have developed all the skills in the area; we'll be buying in the technology like we do now for solar and like we do now for wind. Wind was mainly developed in Denmark and Germany, and that's where the design is, that's where things are made. Those people who live in Swansea will know that we've had a lot of transport activity taking devices, because they've come in by boat and they've been taken because they aren't ours, built by us. Does the Cabinet Secretary agree with me again that we've lost the chance to be the first in the world to start creating tidal energy? We will have it, but we'll be buying in the technology from abroad, rather than developing it.
Mae'r cynnig yn rhychwantu ffiniau fy etholaeth i ac etholaeth fy nghyfaill a'm cyd-Aelod David Rees. Credaf fod Dai Lloyd wedi sôn am y dicter a'r brad, a bu ymdeimlad aruthrol ymhlith pobl o ddicter a brad. Euthum allan neithiwr ac roedd pobl yn awyddus i ddweud wrthyf pa mor ddig oedden nhw a'u hymdeimlad o frad. Ond nid dyna'r hyn oedd yn brifo—yr hyn a oedd yn brifo oedd y rhai a ddywedodd, 'Wel, 'nid oeddem ni byth yn mynd i gael hyn. Fyddwn ni byth yn cael dim yn Abertawe. Rydym yn cael ein gadael heb ddim bob amser', a'r teimlad hwn, mewn gwirionedd, o ddiffyg gobaith. Credaf mai dyna oedd achos y niwed mwyaf—bod pobl yn gweld y diffyg gobaith, ein bod ar gyrion radar Llywodraeth San Steffan a chawsom ein gadael ar ôl i raddau helaeth iawn.
Credaf ei bod yn rhaid ichi gofio bod prototeipiau yn costio mwy—mae'n nhw'n costio mwy bob amser. A gaf i ddwyn ynni'r gwynt a'r haul i gof pobl, pan ddaeth y rheini allan gyntaf ac roedden nhw'n anhygoel o ddrud? A ydych chi'n cofio'r bobl hynny'n dweud, 'Mae nwy yn rhatach. Pam ydych chi'n gwneud hyn? Gallem ni fod yn defnyddio nwy. Mae digon o nwy ar gael. Gallem fod yn defnyddio tyrbinau nwy; byddai'n arbed llawer o arian'? Ydych chi'n cofio hynny?
Hefyd, a gaf i grybwyll niwclear? Calder Hall, a grëwyd ym 1956—maen nhw wedi cael 62 o flynyddoedd i ddod â chost ynni niwclear i lawr ac eto methu yw eu hanes o hyd, o ran yr hyn yr ydym yn ei dalu nawr am y trydan a gaiff ei gynhyrchu yn Hinkley Point. Dyna enghraifft o rywbeth sydd heb ddod i lawr yn ei bris i lefel yr oeddem yn ei ddisgwyl, ond ni fyddem fyth wedi adeiladu Calder Hall pe byddai hynny wedi'i wneud ar gymhariaeth â phris glo—roedd glo yn llawer rhatach. Mewn gwirionedd, byddai pob gorsaf bŵer ym Mhrydain yn defnyddio glo, gan fod glo yn rhatach nag unrhyw ddull arall ar y pryd y daeth y dulliau newydd i mewn.
A gaf i ddefnyddio dwy enghraifft hanesyddol? Oherwydd gwn fod Suzy Davies wedi gwneud hynny yn ei herthygl i Sefydliad Materion Cymreig, a rhoddaf glod iddi am hynny, ond hefyd ddwy na wnaeth hi eu defnyddio: Rocket Stephenson—gallaf ddychmygu yn hollol nawr y bobl hyn yn dweud, 'Rheilffordd? Gallaf fynd yn gyflymach o Stockton i Darlington ar gefn ceffyl nag y gallaf fi ar y rheilffordd. Am syniad dwl i gael rheilffyrdd. Mae'n llawer rhatach a chyflymach ar gefn ceffyl'. A'r un arall, wrth gwrs—gadewch inni sôn am agerfadau, oherwydd roedd agerfadau yn fychan, nid oedden nhw'n llwyddiannus iawn. Roedd llongau hwylio yn well o lawer. Ond datblygwyd y dechnoleg a chrëwyd agerfadau, gan wneud y byd yn lle llawer llai o ran yr amser oedd hi'n ei gymryd i symud o gwmpas.
Nid oes amheuaeth gennyf i y bydd Abertawe yn cael morlyn llanw. Fy mhryder i yw, ac rwy'n gofyn i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet a yw'n ei rannu, y byddwn yn nawfed neu'n ddegfed yn y byd i gael rhywbeth fel hyn, ni fydd gennym y gallu dylunio, ni fyddwn wedi datblygu'r holl sgiliau yn yr ardal; byddwn yn prynu'r dechnoleg fel yr ydym yn ei wneud ar hyn o bryd gydag ynni'r haul ac, fel yr ydym yn ei wneud ar hyn o bryd gydag ynni'r gwynt. Datblygwyd ynni'r gwynt yn bennaf yn yr Almaen a Denmarc, a dyna lle y mae'r dylunio, dyna lle y gwneir pethau. Bydd y bobl hynny sy'n byw yn Abertawe yn gwybod ein bod wedi cael llawer o weithgaredd trafnidiaeth yn cymryd dyfeisiau, oherwydd eu bod nhw wedi dod i mewn ar gwch ac maen nhw wedi'u cymryd oherwydd nad ni sydd piau nhw, wedi'u hadeiladu gennym ni. A wnaiff Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet gytuno â mi unwaith eto ein bod wedi colli cyfle i fod yn gyntaf yn y byd i ddechrau creu ynni'r llanw? Byddwn yn ei gael, ond byddwn yn prynu'r dechnoleg o dramor, yn hytrach na'i datblygu.
Yes, I agree entirely. I talked about the advances that the French have made, and I am in no doubt that some of the competitors that we faced in this field are cheering the decision by UK Government. I think Mike Hedges makes a very, very important point that, if you're not open to new ideas and new technology, you're not going to make progress; you're not going to maintain your competitiveness. And, recently, the editor-in-chief of The Economist globally said that the greatest threat the global economy faces right now is protectionism, and it was part of the presentation that he gave on the new divide—the new political divide, the new technological and economic divide—and it can largely be characterised as the open versus the closed: those who are open to new ideas versus those who are closed to new ideas, those who are open to technology versus those who are suspicious and closed to the emergence of new technology, those who are open to outsiders, open to challenge, versus those who are closed off from challenge and closed to the potential that outsiders bring as well. And I think this demonstrates most clearly that the UK Government under the current leadership of Theresa May is most certainly closed, and it's probably time that they were closed right down.
I do fear that there is a sentiment in Swansea—a very, very deep sentiment—of having been left behind. For that reason, the city deal becomes even more important and must deliver for the people of Swansea bay and must draw down the resources not just from Welsh Government, but also from UK Government. I'm able to say to the Member that I'd already agreed to commence a piece of work with the leader of Swansea council concerning a number of investment projects and regeneration prospects within Swansea. Of course, we will also be taking forward the work on the metro vision but that, in all likelihood, given its reliance on rail, will also require a commitment from the current or future, potentially future Governments for considerable investment in infrastructure, and we know that there is a very poor record of UK Government spend in terms of rail infrastructure in Wales, perhaps highlighted best by the cancellation of the electrification of the main line.
In the future, we must see a fair share not just come to Wales, but a fair share of resource that's spent in Wales spent fairly in Swansea bay and other parts of Wales.
Gwnaf, rwy'n cytuno'n llwyr. Soniais am y cynnydd y mae Ffrainc wedi'i wneud, ac nid oes gennyf amheuaeth o gwbl y bydd rhai o'r cystadleuwyr y buom yn eu hwynebu yn y maes hwn yn cymeradwyo penderfyniad Llywodraeth y DU. Credaf fod Mike Hedges yn gwneud pwynt pwysig iawn, iawn, sef os nad ydych chi'n agored i syniadau newydd a thechnoleg newydd, 'dydych chi ddim yn mynd i wneud cynnydd; nid ydych chi'n mynd i gynnal eich cystadleurwydd. Ac, yn ddiweddar, dywedodd Prif Olygydd The Economist yn fyd-eang mai'r bygythiad mwyaf sy'n wynebu'r economi fyd-eang ar hyn o bryd yw diffyndollaeth, ac roedd hynny'n rhan o'r cyflwyniad a roddodd ar y rhaniad newydd—y rhaniad gwleidyddol newydd, y rhaniad technolegol ac economaidd newydd—a gellir ei ddisgrifio i raddau helaeth fel yr agored yn erbyn y caeëdig: y rhai sy'n agored i syniadau newydd o'u cymharu â rhai sydd yn gaeëdig i syniadau newydd, rhai sy'n agored i dechnoleg o'u cymharu â'r rhai sydd yn amheus ac yn gaeëdig i ymddangosiad technoleg newydd, y rhai sy'n agored i bobl o'r tu allan, yn agored i her, yn erbyn y rhai sy'n cilio oddi wrth her ac yn cau'r potensial a ddaw drwy bobl o'r tu allan hefyd. A chredaf fod hyn yn dangos yn amlwg iawn bod Llywodraeth y DU o dan arweiniad cyfredol Theresa May yn sicr yn gaeëdig, ac mae'n hen bryd mae'n debyg i gael gwared ar honno.
Mae arnaf i ofn fod yna deimlad yn Abertawe—teimlad dwys iawn—o fod wedi'u gadael ar ôl. Am y rheswm hwnnw, daw'r fargen ddinesig hyd yn oed yn fwy pwysig a bydd yn rhaid iddi gyflawni ar gyfer pobl Bae Abertawe a bydd yn rhaid iddi dynnu adnoddau nid yn unig oddi wrth Lywodraeth Cymru, ond oddi wrth Lywodraeth y DU hefyd. Rwy'n gallu dweud wrth yr Aelod fy mod eisoes wedi cytuno i gychwyn darn o waith gydag arweinydd Cyngor Abertawe ynglŷn â nifer o brosiectau buddsoddi a rhagolygon adfywio yn Abertawe. Wrth gwrs, byddwn hefyd yn dwyn y gwaith ymlaen ar weledigaeth y metro, ond bydd hynny, yn ôl pob tebyg, o ystyried ei fod yn dibynnu ar y rheilffyrdd, yn gofyn am ymrwymiad hefyd gan Lywodraethau'r presennol neu'r dyfodol, y dyfodol o bosibl, i fuddsoddi'n sylweddol yn y seilwaith, ac rydym yn gwybod bod hanes gwariant gwael iawn gan Lywodraeth y DU o ran seilwaith y rheilffyrdd yng Nghymru, sydd efallai wedi'i amlygu orau gan y weithred o ganslo trydaneiddio'r brif reilffordd.
Yn y dyfodol, bydd yn rhaid i ni weld cyfran deg nid yn unig yn dod i Gymru, ond cyfran deg o adnoddau i'w gwario'n deg yng Nghymru ym Mae Abertawe a rhannau eraill o Gymru.
Rwy'n cytuno yn llwyr â beth ddywedodd Mike Hedges yn fanna, ond rwyf eisiau estyn y drafodaeth ychydig. Rydw i'n meddwl bod y penderfyniad yma gan Lywodraeth San Steffan, a dweud y gwir, yn ein pardduo ni i gyd fel gwleidyddion. Pan ŷch chi'n cael datganiad polisi mewn maniffesto y byddwch chi'n cefnogi morlyn llanw yn Abertawe dim ond tair blynedd yn ôl, ac ŷch chi'n torri—yr un blaid yn torri'r addewid maniffesto yna—pan ŷch chi mewn sefyllfa i wrthod £1.3 biliwn ar gyfer datblygiad o bwys yn Abertawe, ond yn derbyn ac yn rhoi £1 biliwn i 12 Aelod Seneddol yng Ngogledd Iwerddon jest i gadw eich Llywodraeth mewn grym, dyma beth sydd yn pardduo gwleidyddiaeth.
Nid ydw i'n synnu bod pobl felly yn ymateb drwy ddweud, 'Wel, nid ydym byth yn cael dim byd o'r system yma', ac mae yna berig inni i gyd yn y ffordd mae Llywodraeth San Steffan wedi gwneud y penderfyniad yma, y ffordd maen nhw wedi estyn y penderfyniad, y ffordd y gwnaethon nhw gomisiynu adroddiad annibynnol ac wedyn gwrthod yr adroddiad gan eu bod nhw ddim yn hoffi'r canfyddiadau.
Mae'n ein gadael ni mewn picil, rydw i'n meddwl. Rydw i'n gwybod bod yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet am weithredu yn gadarnhaol yng Nghymru, ond pa neges mae hwn wedi ei gyrru i'r holl gwmnïau sydd yn ymwneud ag ynni o'r môr? Rŷch chi wedi sôn am rai ohonyn nhw. Rydw i'n ymweld ag Ynys Môn fy hun diwedd yr wythnos—fe fydda i'n ymweld â Morlais a SEACAMS. Mae yna dros £100 miliwn o arian Ewropeaidd ac arian Llywodraeth Cymru wedi mynd tu fewn i'r sector yma, ac yn awr maen nhw'n gweld fod y Llywodraeth ddim am gefnogi'r sector. Achos nid yn unig y cynlluniau a'r arbrofion sy'n bwysig—mae'n rhaid dod â'r cynlluniau yna i'r lan, ac mae dod â nhw i'r lan yn golygu bod yn rhaid iddyn nhw gael grid connections a bod yn rhaid iddyn nhw gael contract for difference. Er mwyn troi'r cynlluniau yma yn ffordd o gynhyrchu ynni go iawn, mae'n rhaid i Lywodraeth San Steffan wneud yr un penderfyniad yng nghyd-destun y cynlluniau yna ag y maen nhw wedi gwrthod ei wneud yng nghyd-destun y morlyn llanw.
Felly, er fy mod i'n croesawu’r ffaith eich bod chi am gynnal uwchgynhadledd yn Abertawe, roedd uwchgynhadledd ynni'r môr yn Abertawe ond flwyddyn yn ôl, lle roedd yr holl sector tu ôl i'r morlyn llanw ac am ei weld e fel rhywbeth a oedd yn arwydd o gred yn y sector yma. Sut ydych chi'n mynd i adfer cred yn y sector yma gan fod Llywodraeth San Steffan wedi dweud wrth bob buddsoddwr, bach a mawr, 'Cerwch i ffwrdd, nid oes diddordeb gyda ni yn y sector yma bellach; rŷm ni ond â diddordeb yn y sector niwclear a'r sector gwynt bant o'r tir mawr'? Mae honno'n neges anodd iawn.
A gaf i ofyn ichi hefyd beth wnewch chi nawr fel Llywodraeth gyda'r £200 miliwn rŷch chi wedi'i gynnig i'r cynllun yma? A ydy'r £200 miliwn yna nawr ar gael ar gyfer gwireddu prosiectau carbon isel o'r math yma yn y môr neu efallai ar y tir mawr? Nid oes gen i ddim gwybodaeth am hyn, ond gan y bydd, mae'n siŵr gen i, y cwmni sydd y tu ôl i'r cynllun yma yn gorfod rhywsut ddirwyn i ben mewn rhyw ffordd, ac er mwyn osgoi beth roedd Mike Hedges yn ei danlinellu, sef ein bod ni bellach yn derbyn mewnfuddsoddiad yn hytrach na chreu a pherchen ar y dechnoleg ei hunan, a oes modd i Lywodraeth Cymru ystyried sut y gallan nhw fynd mewn i bartneriaethau gyda naill ai'r cwmni presennol, Tidal Lagoon Power, neu darpar gwmnïau eraill, i gadw'r wybodaeth yma yng Nghymru, i gadw'r dechnoleg, i gadw'r arweiniad yma yng Nghymru? A ydy'r £200 miliwn ar gael ar gyfer yr addewid yna? Achos mae'n ymddangos i mi, er eich bod chi wedi gwrthod syniadau Leanne Wood ynglŷn â chwmni ynni i Gymru, mae gyda chi adnoddau fan hyn i wneud gwahaniaeth ac i ddangos i fuddsoddwyr bod Cymru ar agor i fusnesau ynni o'r môr.
I agree entirely with Mike Hedges's comments, but I would like to extend the debate slightly. I think this decision by the Westminster Government actually besmirches us all as politicians. When you have a policy statement made in a manifesto that you will support a tidal lagoon in Swansea just three years ago, and you break that manifesto promise, when you're in a position to reject £1.3 billion for an important development in Swansea, but are willing to give £1 billion to 12 MPs in Northern Ireland just to keep your Government in power, then this is what gives politics a bad name.
And I am not surprised that people are saying, ‘Well, we get nothing from this system’, and there is a risk for us all in the way in which the Westminster Government has made this decision, the way that they have extended the process, and the way that they commissioned an independent report and then rejected that report’s findings because they didn’t like those findings.
And it leaves us in something of a quandary, I think. I know that the Cabinet Secretary wants to work positively in Wales, but what message has this sent to all of those companies involved with marine energy? You’ve mentioned some of them, and I will be visiting Anglesey myself at the end of the week—I will see Morlais and SEACAMS. There is over £100 million of European funding and Welsh Government funding that has been invested in this sector, and now they see that the Government doesn’t want to support that sector. Because it’s not just the proposals that are important—you must bring those proposals to fruition, and that means they need grid connections, they need a contract for difference. In order to turn those proposals into real energy-producing methods, the Westminster Government has to make the same decision in the context of these proposals as they have refused to do in the context of the tidal lagoon.
So, although I welcome the fact that you are going to hold a summit in Swansea, a marine energy summit was held in Swansea just a year ago, where the whole sector was behind the tidal lagoon, and wanted to see it as something that was a signal of belief in this sector. So, how are you going to restore confidence in this sector now that the Westminster Government has told every investor, large and small, ‘Go away, we’re not interested in this sector anymore; we’re only interested in nuclear and the offshore wind sectors’? That is a very difficult message.
Can I also ask you what you as a Government will now do with the £200 million that you put on the table for this proposal? Is that £200 million now available for delivering low-carbon projects of this kind, be it marine or on land? I have no information about this, but because, I’m sure, the company behind this plan will have to wind up in some way or another, and we want to avoid what Mike Hedges referred to, namely that we accept inward investment rather than owning the technology ourselves, is it possible for the Welsh Government to consider how they could go into partnership with either the current company, Tidal Lagoon Power, or other prospective companies, so that we can retain this technology in Wales and retain leadership here in Wales? Is that £200 million available for that purpose? Because it appears to me that although you rejected Leanne Wood’s ideas on an energy company for Wales, you do have resources here to make a difference and to show investors that Wales is open for marine energy businesses.
If I can just conclude with a more political point, except it wasn't spoken by me, it was spoken by the chief executive of Tidal Lagoon Power, Mark Shorrock. When this decision was made yesterday, he said it was a
'vote of no interest in Wales, no confidence in British manufacturing and no care for the planet'.
We will have the opportunity tomorrow to show that we have no confidence in this decision as well.
Os caf i gloi gyda phwynt mwy gwleidyddol, er nad myfi a'i mynegodd, cafodd ei fynegi gan Brif Weithredwr Tidal Lagoon Power, Mark Shorrock. Pan wnaethpwyd y penderfyniad hwn ddoe, dywedodd ei fod yn
bleidlais o ddim diddordeb yng Nghymru, dim hyder yng ngweithgynhyrchu Prydain a dim gofal am y blaned.
Bydd gennym gyfle yfory i ddangos nad oes gennym ninnau hyder yn y penderfyniad hwn ychwaith.
Can I thank Simon Thomas for his contribution? I think given the points that he made right at the outset of his contribution, it's quite clear that the UK Government has become a master of both pork barrel politics and broken dreams, having invested so much in so few votes within the House of Commons but letting down so many people in Wales by taking the decision that it has. I think what it says to industry is not helpful one bit and it also contrasts with what we're saying to the sector, which is that we will support you in every and any way that we possibly can help you. I think we've demonstrated that with the investment that has been made and that I've already spoken about.
Clearly, it's not for Welsh Government to plug UK Government funding gaps. The Welsh Government has neither the power nor the resources to compensate the UK Government, and Welsh Government isn't in a position to take the project forward alone. But, as I highlighted just before, there is the £200 million that we'd put on offer for this project to get it over the line. I think we're going to be pretty open to investment opportunities provided that that funding can be used in a way that enables it to be drawn down through the particular funding stream that it sits in. I think some of the discussions that need to take place will happen at that summit that I've already announced, however I've asked officials—and I know this has happened right across Government today—we've all asked officials to engage with key partners in the sector to ascertain as soon as possible what the likely implications of the decision are, and means and ways of us supporting those businesses within the sector to continue to grow.
I'm in no doubt that businesses, business leaders and loyal, decent, skilled workers within this sector are feeling pretty bruised today. That's why we've asked for immediate engagement between officials and those people to take place. But, in the months to come, we will look at every opportunity to take what is a strong sector in Wales to a position of greatness. That may well be without the assistance of Welsh Government, it may well be without Tidal Lagoon Power taking forward this particular project, but we are absolutely determined to grow the industry here in Wales, and in particular in Swansea bay.
A gaf i ddiolch i Simon Thomas am ei gyfraniad? Rwy'n credu o ystyried y pwyntiau a wnaeth ar ddechrau cyntaf ei gyfraniad, ei bod yn eithaf clir fod Llywodraeth y DU wedi dod yn feistr ar wleidyddiaeth pwrs y wlad a chwalu breuddwydion, wedi buddsoddi cymaint mewn cyn lleied o bleidleisiau yn Nhŷ'r Cyffredin ond siomi cymaint o bobl yng Nghymru wrth gymryd y penderfyniad hwn a gymerwyd ganddi. Nid wyf yn credu bod yr hyn y mae'n ei ddweud wrth y diwydiant yn ddefnyddiol o gwbl ac y mae'n cyferbynnu hefyd â'r hyn yr ydym ni'n ei ddweud wrth y sector, sef y byddwn yn eich cefnogi ym mhob ac unrhyw ffordd y gallwn eich helpu drwyddi. Credaf ein bod wedi dangos hynny gyda'r buddsoddiad a wnaed ac rwyf wedi siarad am hynny eisoes.
Yn amlwg, nid lle Llywodraeth Cymru yw llenwi bylchau ariannu Llywodraeth y DU. Nid oes gan Lywodraeth Cymru mo'r grym na'r adnoddau i wneud iawn am fethiant Llywodraeth y DU, ac nid yw Llywodraeth Cymru mewn sefyllfa i symud y prosiect ymlaen ar ei phen ei hun. Ond, fel y tynnais sylw ato ychydig yn gynharach, ceir y £200 miliwn hwn y byddem ni wedi ei gynnig ar gyfer y prosiect hwn i'w wireddu. Credaf y byddwn yn agored iawn i gyfleoedd i fuddsoddi ar yr amod y gellir defnyddio'r arian hwnnw mewn ffordd sy'n ei alluogi i lifo i lawr drwy'r ffrwd ariannu arbennig y mae'n sefyll ynddi. Rwyf i o'r farn y bydd rhai o'r trafodaethau y mae angen iddyn nhw ddigwydd yn digwydd yn yr uwchgynhadledd honno yr wyf wedi ei chyhoeddi eisoes, ond serch hynny, rwyf wedi gofyn i swyddogion—a gwn fod hyn wedi digwydd ledled y Llywodraeth heddiw—rydym i gyd wedi gofyn i swyddogion ymgysylltu â phartneriaid allweddol yn y sector i ganfod cyn gynted â phosibl beth yw goblygiadau tebygol y penderfyniad, a dulliau a ffyrdd inni gefnogi'r busnesau hynny o fewn y sector ar gyfer parhau i dyfu.
Nid oes gennyf unrhyw amheuaeth fod busnesau, arweinyddion busnes a gweithwyr ffyddlon, gweddus a medrus yn y sector hwn yn teimlo'n eithaf digalon heddiw. Dyna pam yr ydym ni wedi gofyn am gael ymgysylltiad uniongyrchol rhwng swyddogion a'r bobl hynny. Ond, yn y misoedd i ddod, byddwn yn edrych ar bob cyfle i ddwyn yr hyn sydd yn sector cryf yng Nghymru i sefyllfa o fawredd. Efallai wir y bydd hynny heb gymorth gan Lywodraeth Cymru, efallai wir y bydd heb Tidal Lagoon Power yn datblygu'r prosiect arbennig hwn, ond rydym ni'n gwbl benderfynol i ddatblygu'r diwydiant yma yng Nghymru, ac yn enwedig ym Mae Abertawe.
It is very difficult to understand, really, how we got from that meeting here with Charles Hendry some time ago now, where there was such positive cross-party support for the tidal lagoon in Swansea bay and tidal lagoons further afield in Wales. In fact, I can remember Charles Hendry saying how struck he was by the strength and depth of that cross-party support, and yet here we are today with this decision after much delay. It really does, I think, leave a bitter taste in all of our mouths, considering that process and the ultimate decision.
I know that in Newport, and I know in Cardiff, there's a great deal of interest and support for the tidal lagoons that are proposed for either side of the mouth of the River Usk. From my constituency office, I can see the amazing rise and fall of the River Usk, which is such a natural phenomenon that strikes so many people who visit Newport, and, obviously, that applies to the estuary as well. And I know that very many people are simply amazed, really, that at a time when we're looking for renewable energy, and we're all so clear about the positives of renewable energy, that wonderful natural phenomenon remains unharnessed and, as yet, there are no projects in the immediate offing that offer the opportunity to harness that incredible energy on a daily basis.
I know that there will be a great deal of anger at this decision further afield than Swansea and Swansea bay, and that will extend to Newport as well. There are people who want to look at the possibilities of going ahead with those lagoons around the mouth of the River Usk regardless of what happens with Swansea bay, because some of the economies of scale are different, but obviously Swansea bay was the pathfinder, as the Cabinet Secretary has mentioned, and it would have looked at some of the environmental effects and environmental issues. It's quite difficult, actually, to perhaps come to a considered judgement on some of those aspects without the actual experience of having that lagoon in Swansea bay and those aspects monitored and detailed. But I just wonder, really, Cabinet Secretary, what you can say about the wider picture in Wales, including those proposals for either side of the mouth of the River Usk in the light of this decision that has now been taken, because, as you rightly said, it was a wider, bigger picture. It really should have been considered, the Swansea bay proposal, in terms of its pathfinder nature and the other lagoons that could have followed off the Welsh coast and much further afield. Is it your understanding that there was adequate consideration of that wider picture? If not, is there any mileage in returning to that bigger picture, and even at this late stage looking at the overall vision and how that should be assessed?
And just finally, Llywydd, a further aspect: people pointed to the tourism opportunities and benefits that would have followed from the establishment of a tidal lagoon, but another aspect, of course, was community benefit, and there was a great deal of interest, excitement and, indeed, forward planning in Newport as to what could have been done with the income that would have been generated in community benefit from those local lagoons were they to proceed, and I think that's another very unfortunate aspect of this decision that has been handed down from on high.
Mae'n anodd iawn deall, mewn gwirionedd, sut y daethom o'r cyfarfod hwnnw yn y fan yma gyda Charles Hendry beth amser yn ôl erbyn hyn, pryd y cafwyd cymaint o gefnogaeth drawsbleidiol gadarnhaol i'r morlyn llanw ym Mae Abertawe a morlynnoedd llanw mewn rhannau eraill o Gymru. Yn wir, rwy'n cofio Charles Hendry yn dweud y gwnaed argraff fawr arno gan gryfder a dyfnder y gefnogaeth drawsbleidiol honno, ac eto dyma ni heddiw gyda'r penderfyniad hwn ar ôl llawer o oedi. Y mae wir, yn fy marn i, yn chwerw ei flas i bob un ohonom ni, o ystyried y broses honno a'r penderfyniad terfynol.
Gwn fod yng Nghasnewydd, ac yng Nghaerdydd, lawer o ddiddordeb a chefnogaeth i forlynnoedd llanw sydd wedi eu cynnig ar gyfer y ddwy lan i aber Afon Wysg. O'm swyddfa yn fy etholaeth, gallaf weld ymchwydd a chilio anhygoel Afon Wysg, sydd y fath ffenomenon naturiol a wnaiff argraff ar gymaint o bobl sy'n ymweld â Chasnewydd, ac, yn amlwg, mae hynny'n berthnasol i'r aber hefyd. Ac rwy'n gwybod bod llawer iawn o bobl wedi gwir ryfeddu, ar adeg pan ein bod yn chwilio am ynni adnewyddadwy, a ninnau i gyd mor sicr o effaith gadarnhaol ynni adnewyddadwy, fod y ffenomen naturiol wych yn dal i fod heb ei harneisio, a hyd yma, nid oes unrhyw brosiectau ar y gweill ar hyn o bryd sy'n cynnig cyfle i harneisio'r egni anhygoel hwnnw yn feunyddiol.
Gwn y bydd llawer iawn o ddicter yn sgil y penderfyniad hwn y tu hwnt i Abertawe a Bae Abertawe, a bydd hynny'n ymestyn i Gasnewydd hefyd. Ceir pobl sydd yn awyddus i edrych ar y posibiliadau o fwrw ymlaen â'r morlynnoedd hynny o gwmpas ceg Afon Wysg waeth beth sy'n digwydd gyda Bae Abertawe, oherwydd mae rhai o'r arbedion maint yn wahanol, ond mae'n amlwg mai Bae Abertawe oedd y cynllun braenaru, fel y crybwyllodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a byddai wedi edrych ar rai o'r effeithiau amgylcheddol a'r materion amgylcheddol. Mae'n anodd iawn, mewn gwirionedd, i gael barn ystyriol efallai ar rai o'r agweddau hynny heb brofiad gwirioneddol o gael y morlyn ym Mae Abertawe a chael monitro a manylu ar yr agweddau hynny. Ond roeddwn i'n meddwl tybed, mewn gwirionedd, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, beth allwch chi ei ddweud am y darlun ehangach yng Nghymru, yn cynnwys y cynigion hynny o ddwy lan ceg afon Wysg yng ngoleuni'r penderfyniad hwn sydd bellach wedi ei gymryd, oherwydd, fel yr oeddech chi'n dweud, roedd yn ddarlun mwy ac ehangach. Fe ddylid mewn gwirionedd fod wedi ei ystyried, cynnig Bae Abertawe, o ran ei natur braenaru a'r morlynnoedd eraill a allai fod wedi dilyn ar arfordir Cymru ac ymhell y tu hwnt i hynny. Ai eich dealltwriaeth chi yw y bu ystyriaeth ddigonol o'r darlun ehangach hwnnw? Os na fu, a oes unrhyw werth mewn dychwelyd at y darlun ehangach hwnnw ac edrych, hyd yn oed ar y cam diweddar hwn, ar y weledigaeth ehangach a sut y dylid ei hasesu?
Ac yn olaf, Llywydd, agwedd arall eto: cyfeiriodd pobl at gyfleoedd o ran twristiaeth a manteision a fyddai wedi dilyn sefydlu morlyn llanw, ond agwedd arall, wrth gwrs, oedd y budd cymunedol, a bu llawer iawn o ddiddordeb, cyffro ac, yn wir, cynllunio yng Nghasnewydd ynglŷn â'r hyn y gellid fod wedi ei wneud gyda'r incwm a fyddai wedi cael ei gynhyrchu mewn budd cymunedol gan y morlynnoedd lleol pe bydden nhw wedi mynd yn eu blaenau, ac rwy'n credu bod honno'n agwedd anffodus iawn arall ar y penderfyniad hwn sydd wedi dod inni oddi uchod.
Can I thank John Griffiths for his contribution? I'm conscious of time, but I would like to put on record my thanks to Charles Hendry for the work that he did. He produced a report that was compelling in terms of the evidence provided to support taking forward this project as a pathfinder, and I'm sure that Members across this Chamber would wish to thank him for the commitment that he showed throughout the process of compiling that report and seeking evidence.
John Griffiths is absolutely right: the pathfinder project had cross-party support in this Chamber and, indeed, it had support from across Wales, because it was a pathfinder project that could have paved the way for lagoons from the north to the south. Now, we need to understand what the alternative proposals are and whether they could form an alternative pathfinder for lagoons to be built here in Wales and, indeed, whether any of the proposals concern Swansea bay at this very moment in time. We need to understand what the details are and we need to have information shared with us given our determination as a Welsh Government to proceed with tidal power. But I have to wonder whether doing this with UK Government leadership is a realistic prospect, whether delivery through UK Government leadership can be achieved given yesterday's decision and strong, negative message that it sends out to the industry. I can only conclude that, perhaps, lagoons will come only when Theresa May goes. I have to say as well that the benefits of tidal power and, particularly of this pathfinder project, the economic benefits, I think, are well known. The social benefits, though, would have been enormous too. The benefits in terms of the confidence and the identity of Swansea and Swansea Bay would have been enormous; to have become a global leader in a new green industry. I'm not sure that this is really fully understood at Westminster in the current UK Government.
A gaf i ddiolch i John Griffiths am ei gyfraniad? Rwy'n ymwybodol o'r amser, ond hoffwn fynegi fy niolch ar goedd i Charles Hendry am y gwaith a wnaeth. Cynhyrchodd adroddiad a oedd yn argyhoeddiadol iawn o ran y dystiolaeth a roddwyd i gefnogi datblygu'r prosiect hwn fel cynllun braenaru, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddai Aelodau ar draws y Siambr hon yn dymuno diolch iddo am yr ymrwymiad a ddangosodd drwy gydol y broses o lunio'r adroddiad hwnnw a chwilio am dystiolaeth.
Mae John Griffiths yn hollol gywir: roedd gan y prosiect braenaru gefnogaeth drawsbleidiol yn y Siambr hon ac, yn wir, roedd ganddo gefnogaeth ledled Cymru, oherwydd ei fod yn brosiect braenaru a allai fod wedi paratoi'r ffordd ar gyfer morlynnoedd o'r gogledd i'r de. Bellach, mae angen inni ddeall beth yw'r cynigion eraill ac a allen nhw fod yn rhan o fraenaru amgen ar gyfer adeiladu morlynnoedd yma yng Nghymru ac, yn wir, a oes unrhyw un o'r cynigion yn ymwneud ar hyn o bryd â Bae Abertawe. Mae angen inni ddeall beth yw'r manylion ac mae angen rhannu'r wybodaeth gyda ni o ystyried ein bod yn benderfynol fel Llywodraeth Cymru i fwrw ymlaen ag ynni'r llanw. Ond mae'n rhaid i mi ofyn tybed a yw gwneud hyn gydag arweiniad Llywodraeth y DU yn obaith realistig, pa un a ellir cyflawni hyn drwy arweiniad Llywodraeth y DU o ystyried penderfyniad ddoe a'r neges gref, negyddol y mae'n ei chyhoeddi i'r diwydiant. Yr unig gasgliad y gallaf ddod iddo, efallai, yw na ddaw morlynnoedd tan fydd Theresa May wedi mynd. Mae'n rhaid i mi ddweud hefyd bod manteision ynni'r llanw ac, yn enwedig y prosiect braenaru hwn, y manteision economaidd, rwy'n credu, yn hysbys iawn. Er hynny, byddai'r manteision cymdeithasol wedi bod yn aruthrol fawr hefyd. Byddai'r manteision o ran hyder a hunaniaeth Abertawe a Bae Abertawe wedi bod yn aruthrol; i fod wedi dod yn arweinydd byd-eang mewn diwydiant gwyrdd newydd. Nid wyf yn siŵr fod hyn wedi ei ddeall yn llawn mewn gwirionedd yn San Steffan yn Llywodraeth bresennol y DU.
Diolch i'r Ysgrifennydd Cabinet.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary.
Yr eitem nesaf, felly, yw’r datganiad gan yr un Ysgrifennydd Cabinet dros yr Economi a Thrafnidiaeth ar gyhoeddiad diweddar Grŵp Airbus. Rwy’n galw ar yr Ysgrifennydd Cabinet i wneud ei ddatganiad ar Airbus—Ken Skates.
The next item, therefore, is a statement by the same Cabinet Secretary for Economy and Transport on the recent Airbus Group announcement, and I call on the Cabinet Secretary to make that statement on Airbus—Ken Skates.
Diolch, Llywydd. I am grateful for the opportunity to make this statement today. Last week, Airbus Group published its own risk assessment outlining the urgent threats to its business arising from the UK exiting the European Union without a withdrawal agreement. The risk assessment is deeply concerning; it identifies that should the UK leave the EU next year without a deal, and without any transition period, it would lead to severe disruption and interruption of UK production and would force Airbus to reconsider its investments in the UK and its long-term footprint in the country. Even with a transition period, a hard Brexit that takes the UK out of the single market and customs union would make the company reassess its future plans.
As the First Minister said last week, this warning is of very serious concern to the Welsh economy. Companies such as Airbus are now actively making plans based on the worst-case scenario. What businesses have been saying in private for some time is now being said publicly, and it is clear that they are losing faith in the UK Government’s ability to negotiate a sensible outcome that works for our economy and that protects jobs. My message to the UK Government is a very simple and very clear one: the situation is now critical and it is time for them to recognise the fundamental threat their approach to Brexit poses for Wales, for our economy and for our communities. It is time to rule out a 'no deal' scenario and relaunch the negotiations on a basis that puts jobs and the economy first.
We share the significant concerns expressed by the chief operating officer of Airbus commercial aircraft, Tom Williams, last week. Airbus Group is the largest employer in Wales in the aerospace and defence sector with around 6,500 individuals employed at its site in Broughton and a further 500 or so in Newport. Across the UK, over 100,000 jobs rely on the Airbus presence on these shores. Since the referendum in 2016, the Welsh Government has been very clear that in leaving the European Union, the UK cannot take the huge risk of cutting our economy adrift from the single market and customs union arrangements. We have made the case, clearly and consistently, that any deal to leave the EU must see us stay in the single market and negotiate a new customs union with the EU.
This warning by Airbus, alongside others given by manufacturers such as BMW, make real the threat we face. Indeed, the concerns expressed by Airbus are certainly not confined to the aerospace industry. Just today, the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders, which is the voice of the automotive industry in the UK, has given the UK Government the starkest warning yet from a business sector, saying that it needs, as a minimum, to remain in the customs union and a deal that delivers single-market benefits. Their chief executive, Michael Hawes, has sent the simple but clear warning to the UK Government:
'There is no Brexit dividend for our industry'.
The stakes could not be higher. It is clear that the time for warm words and for meaningless platitudes is over. Clarity is now urgently required from the UK Government. The detail the UK Government needs to come forward with needs to address the three key issues raised in the Airbus risk assessment: the movement of parts within an integrated supply chain, the movement of people, and future regulatory environment. The possible disruption to the flow of materials caused by changes to the customs union and single market could have a negative impact running into many billions of pounds, leading to irrecoverable delays and many of our businesses in Wales losing their competitive edge. Restriction of the movement of people would cause major disruption to Airbus operations, with 1,300 Airbus-employed UK nationals working in EU members states—the majority being in France and Germany—and 600 Airbus-employed EU nationals working at Airbus operations in the UK. The third key issue relates to regulations and the European Aviation Safety Agency in particular. Without EASA approval, UK aerospace suppliers will no longer be part of the aircraft manufacturing supply chain. And supply chains cannot simply be switched on and off again like a light switch. They take years to build, and businesses have a right to expect more certainty from the UK Government two years on from the referendum.
The First Minister has pressed again for the UK Government’s White Paper to signal a change of direction to commit to staying inside the single market and a customs union with the EU. We all recognise the importance of the aerospace and defence sector to the Welsh economy. The sector in Wales adds £5 billion to our gross value added and employs over 20,000 people. We will continue to support Airbus at Broughton and Newport to mitigate the impact of the approach being taken by the UK Government. We've already shown our support for the sector through our financing of the Advanced Manufacturing Research Institute at Deeside, worth £20 million, in order to secure the prototypes of Airbus’s wing of tomorrow.
We urge the UK Government to respond and to provide clarity as soon as possible, and before this situation escalates even further. Prolonged uncertainty would do irrevocable damage to our manufacturing base in Wales and its extensive supply chain—employment that in Broughton, and across Wales, is the lifeblood of many communities. This is the most serious economic threat facing Wales in a generation. Airbus is a jewel in the crown of the Welsh economy, but it is also strategically vital to the United Kingdom. It's time for the Brexit parlour games to end. It's time for the UK Government to give business and our economy the certainty that it needs.
Diolch, Llywydd. Rwy’n ddiolchgar am y cyfle i wneud y datganiad hwn heddiw. Yr wythnos diwethaf, cyhoeddodd Grŵp Airbus eu hasesiad risg eu hunain i amlinellu'r bygythiadau difrifol i'w busnes pe bai’r DU yn gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd heb gytundeb ymadael. Mae'r asesiad risg yn peri pryder mawr; mae'n nodi, pe bai’r DU yn gadael yr UE y flwyddyn nesaf heb fargen, a heb gyfnod pontio, y byddai hynny'n arwain at aflonyddwch a tharfu difrifol ar gynhyrchiant yn y DU ac yn gorfodi Airbus i ailystyried eu buddsoddiadau yn y DU a’u dyfodol hirdymor yn y wlad. Hyd yn oed gyda chyfnod pontio, byddai Brexit caled sy'n mynd â’r DU allan o'r farchnad sengl a’r undeb tollau’n gwneud i’r cwmni ailasesu eu cynlluniau ar gyfer y dyfodol.
Fel y dywedodd y Prif Weinidog yr wythnos diwethaf, mae’r rhybudd hwn yn peri pryder difrifol iawn i economi Cymru. Mae cwmnïau fel Airbus nawr wrthi o ddifrif yn gwneud cynlluniau yn seiliedig ar y sefyllfa waethaf. Mae’r hyn y mae busnesau wedi bod yn ei ddweud yn breifat ers cryn amser nawr yn cael ei ddweud yn gyhoeddus, ac mae'n amlwg eu bod yn colli ffydd yng ngallu Llywodraeth y DU i negodi canlyniad synhwyrol sy'n gweithio dros ein heconomi ac yn diogelu swyddi. Mae fy neges i Lywodraeth y DU yn un syml iawn a chlir iawn: mae’r sefyllfa’n argyfyngus erbyn hyn ac mae'n bryd iddyn nhw gydnabod y bygythiad sylfaenol y mae eu ffordd o fynd i'r afael â Brexit yn ei beri i Gymru, i'n heconomi ac i'n cymunedau. Mae'n bryd inni ddiystyru sefyllfa 'dim bargen' ac ail-ddechrau'r trafodaethau ar sail sy'n rhoi swyddi a'r economi yn gyntaf.
Rydym ni'n rhannu’r pryderon sylweddol a fynegodd prif swyddog gweithredol awyrennau masnachol Airbus, Tom Williams, yr wythnos diwethaf. Grŵp Airbus yw'r cyflogwr mwyaf yng Nghymru yn y sector awyrofod ac amddiffyn; maen nhw’n cyflogi tua 6,500 o unigolion ar eu safle ym Mrychdyn a thua 500 arall yng Nghasnewydd. Ledled y DU, mae dros 100,000 o swyddi’n dibynnu ar bresenoldeb Airbus ar y glannau hyn. Ers y refferendwm yn 2016, mae Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod yn glir iawn na all y DU, wrth adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, gymryd y risg enfawr o dorri ein heconomi’n rhydd o drefniadau’r undeb tollau a'r farchnad sengl. Rydym ni wedi cyflwyno'r achos, yn glir ac yn gyson, bod yn rhaid i unrhyw gytundeb i adael yr UE ein cadw yn y farchnad sengl a negodi undeb tollau newydd gyda'r UE.
Mae’r rhybudd hwn gan Airbus, ochr yn ochr ag eraill gan wneuthurwyr fel BMW, yn dangos yn glir y bygythiad sy’n ein hwynebu. Yn wir, dydy’r pryderon a fynegwyd gan Airbus yn sicr ddim yn gyfyngedig i'r diwydiant awyrofod. Dim ond heddiw, mae Cymdeithas y Gwneuthurwyr a Masnachwyr Moduron, sef llais y diwydiant modurol yn y DU, wedi rhoi’r rhybudd cliriaf eto i Lywodraeth y DU gan sector busnes, gan ddweud bod arnynt angen, o leiaf, aros yn yr undeb tollau a bargen sy’n rhoi manteision marchnad sengl. Mae eu prif weithredwr, Michael Hawes, wedi anfon rhybudd syml ond clir i Lywodraeth y DU, gan ddweud:
Nid oes difidend Brexit i'n diwydiant ni.
Mae popeth yn y fantol. Mae'n amlwg bod yr amser wedi dod i ben ar gyfer geiriau teg ac ystrydebau diystyr. Nawr, mae angen eglurder ar frys gan Lywodraeth y DU. Mae angen i Lywodraeth y DU roi manylion ynglŷn â’r tri mater allweddol a godwyd yn asesiad risg Airbus: symud rhannau mewn cadwyn gyflenwi integredig, symudiad pobl, ac amgylchedd rheoleiddio’r dyfodol. Gallai tarfu ar lif defnyddiau o ganlyniad i newidiadau i’r farchnad sengl a’r undeb tollau gostio biliynau o bunnoedd, ac arwain at oedi anadferadwy ac at lawer o'n busnesau yng Nghymru yn colli eu mantais gystadleuol. Byddai cyfyngu ar symudiad pobl yn tarfu'n sylweddol ar weithrediadau Airbus, gan fod 1,300 o ddinasyddion y DU a gyflogir gan Airbus yn gweithio mewn aelod-wladwriaethau o'r UE—y rhan fwyaf o’r rhain yn Ffrainc a'r Almaen—a 600 o ddinasyddion yr UE a gyflogir gan Airbus yn gweithio yng ngweithfeydd Airbus yn y DU. Mae’r trydydd mater allweddol yn ymwneud â rheoliadau ac Asiantaeth Diogelwch Hedfan Ewrop yn benodol. Heb gymeradwyaeth yr Asiantaeth hon, fydd cyflenwyr awyrofod y DU ddim yn rhan o gadwyn gyflenwi gweithgynhyrchu awyrennau mwyach. A does dim modd cynnau a diffodd cadwyni cyflenwi yn sydyn, fel switsh golau. Maen nhw'n cymryd blynyddoedd i’w hadeiladu, ac mae gan fusnesau hawl i ddisgwyl mwy o sicrwydd gan Lywodraeth y DU ddwy flynedd ar ôl y refferendwm.
Mae’r Prif Weinidog wedi pwyso eto am i Bapur Gwyn Llywodraeth y DU ddynodi newid cyfeiriad i ymrwymo i aros o fewn y farchnad sengl ac undeb tollau gyda'r UE. Rydym ni i gyd yn cydnabod pwysigrwydd y sector awyrofod ac amddiffyn i economi Cymru. Mae'r sector yng Nghymru yn ychwanegu £5 biliwn at ein gwerth crynswth ychwanegol ac yn cyflogi dros 20,000 o bobl. Byddwn yn parhau i gefnogi Airbus ym Mrychdyn a Chasnewydd i liniaru effaith y ffordd y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn mynd ati. Rydym ni eisoes wedi dangos ein cefnogaeth i’r sector drwy ariannu’r Sefydliad Ymchwil Gweithgynhyrchu Uwch yng Nglannau Dyfrdwy, sy’n werth £20 miliwn, er mwyn sicrhau prototeipiau Airbus ar gyfer adenydd y dyfodol.
Rydym yn annog Llywodraeth y DU i ymateb ac i roi eglurder cyn gynted â phosibl, a chyn i’r sefyllfa hon waethygu hyd yn oed ymhellach. Byddai cyfnod hir o ansicrwydd yn gwneud difrod parhaol i’n sylfaen gweithgynhyrchu yng Nghymru ac i’w gadwyn gyflenwi helaeth—cyflogaeth sydd ym Mrychdyn, a ledled Cymru, yn hanfodol i lawer o gymunedau. Hwn yw’r bygythiad economaidd mwyaf difrifol i wynebu Cymru ers cenhedlaeth. Mae Airbus yn un o brif drysorau economi Cymru, ond hefyd mae'n strategol hanfodol i'r Deyrnas Unedig. Mae'n bryd i gemau parlwr Brexit ddod i ben. Mae'n bryd i Lywodraeth y DU roi'r sicrwydd sydd ei angen i fusnesau ac i'n heconomi.
Daeth y Dirprwy Lywydd (Ann Jones) i’r Gadair.
The Deputy Presiding Officer (Ann Jones) took the Chair.
I think it is clearly concerning when any major employer issues a warning that they may withdraw from Wales. It's also important that we all aim to ensure that this, of course, doesn't occur. The Cabinet Secretary has made various comments in his statement, and I would say that I think the UK Government on countless occasions has restated its commitment to getting the best possible deal for the UK and the Welsh economy. And I firmly believe that we will remain plugged into the wider European economy, but also be able to seize on those opportunities for trade with the rest of the world.
In order to provide reassurance, Cabinet Secretary, to Airbus workers, and the wider supply chain, would you, Cabinet Secretary, be able to provide an update on the outcome from the First Minister's talks with UK Ministers in a recent meeting of the British-Irish Council? I think that would be helpful. Clarity over Brexit is clearly important for businesses in planning for the future—I for one completely understand that—but there are clearly devolved levers here at the Welsh Government's disposal to encourage inward investment and retain major employers here in Wales. So, can I turn to this? What specific measures are you implementing to create the right economic conditions to ensure that companies such as Airbus remain in Wales? For example, regardless of Brexit, I do have concerns that Wales has failed to capture the opportunities of world growth over the past 20 years, and has failed to diversify into the export market. What intention do you have, Cabinet Secretary, to ensure that Wales seizes on those opportunities to access non-EU markets, and what are you doing to raise the commercial presence of both advanced and developing economies in particular?
I've looked again at the Welsh Government's 'Prosperity for All' action plan and I can't see any mention of the Welsh Government's plans to attract and retain foreign direct investment into Wales. So, I would be grateful if you could outline the Welsh Government's approach to this. You've also previously mentioned, Cabinet Secretary, that the Welsh Government will focus on the high-value manufacturing sector as one of its new priority sectors. So, can I ask: why does the Welsh Government's budget fail to allocate additional funding to this sector, and doesn't this undermine, of course, the Welsh Government's commitment to ensuring that the Welsh economy develops an advanced manufacturing capacity to deter companies like Airbus from investing in Wales? My point here, Deputy Presiding Officer, is that, beyond Brexit, which I acknowledge we need to get absolutely right, of course, there are devolved levers here at the Welsh Government's disposal, which can and should be used to ensure that companies such as Airbus are encouraged to remain and indeed expand their operations here in Wales.
Rwy’n credu ei bod hi'n amlwg ei bod hi'n destun pryder pan fydd unrhyw gyflogwr mawr yn rhybuddio y gallent gefnu ar Gymru. Mae hefyd yn bwysig ein bod i gyd yn ceisio sicrhau, wrth gwrs, nad yw hyn yn digwydd. Mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi gwneud sylwadau amrywiol yn ei ddatganiad, a byddwn yn dweud fy mod yn credu bod Llywodraeth y DU ar achlysuron di-rif wedi ailddatgan eu hymrwymiad i sicrhau’r fargen orau bosibl i economi'r DU a Chymru. Ac rwy'n credu'n gryf y byddwn yn dal i fod yn gysylltiedig ag economi ehangach Ewrop, ond hefyd yn gallu manteisio ar y cyfleoedd hynny i fasnachu â gweddill y byd.
Er mwyn rhoi sicrwydd, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, i weithwyr Airbus, ac i’r gadwyn gyflenwi ehangach, a allech chi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, roi diweddariad am ganlyniad trafodaethau’r Prif Weinidog Cymru â Gweinidogion y DU yng nghyfarfod diweddar y Cyngor Prydeinig-Gwyddelig? Rwy’n credu y byddai hynny o gymorth. Mae eglurder ynglŷn â Brexit yn amlwg yn bwysig i fusnesau wrth gynllunio ar gyfer y dyfodol—rwyf fi’n deall hynny’n iawn—ond mae dulliau datganoledig yn amlwg ar gael yma i Lywodraeth Cymru i annog mewnfuddsoddi a chadw cyflogwyr mawr yma yng Nghymru. Felly, a gaf i droi at hyn? Pa fesurau penodol ydych chi’n eu rhoi ar waith i greu’r amodau economaidd cywir i sicrhau bod cwmnïau fel Airbus yn aros yng Nghymru? Er enghraifft, beth bynnag am Brexit, rwyf fi’n pryderu bod Cymru wedi methu â manteisio ar gyfleoedd twf y byd dros yr 20 mlynedd diwethaf, ac wedi methu ag arallgyfeirio i'r farchnad allforio. Pa fwriad sydd gennych chi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, i sicrhau bod Cymru yn achub ar y cyfleoedd hynny i gael mynediad at farchnadoedd y tu allan i'r UE, a beth ydych chi’n ei wneud i gynyddu presenoldeb masnachol economïau datblygedig ac economïau datblygol yn arbennig?
Rwyf wedi edrych unwaith eto ar gynllun gweithredu 'Ffyniant i Bawb' Llywodraeth Cymru, ac ni allaf weld dim sôn am gynlluniau Llywodraeth Cymru i ddenu buddsoddiad uniongyrchol o dramor yng Nghymru, a chadw hynny yma wedyn. Felly, byddwn yn ddiolchgar pe gallech chi amlinellu sut mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn mynd i'r afael â hyn. Rydych chi hefyd wedi dweud o’r blaen, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn canolbwyntio ar y sector gweithgynhyrchu gwerth uchel fel un o'u sectorau blaenoriaeth newydd. Felly, a gaf i ofyn: pam nad yw cyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru yn dyrannu arian ychwanegol i'r sector hwn, ac onid yw hyn yn tanseilio, wrth gwrs, ymrwymiad Llywodraeth Cymru i sicrhau bod economi Cymru yn datblygu capasiti gweithgynhyrchu uwch, gan atal cwmnïau fel Airbus rhag buddsoddi yng Nghymru? Fy mhwynt i yma, Dirprwy Lywydd, yw, y tu hwnt i Brexit, sy’n rhywbeth yr wyf yn cydnabod bod angen inni ei gael yn hollol gywir, wrth gwrs, bod dulliau datganoledig ar gael yma i Lywodraeth Cymru, ac y gellir ac y dylid eu defnyddio i sicrhau bod cwmnïau fel Airbus yn cael eu hannog i aros ac yn wir i ehangu eu gweithgarwch yma yng Nghymru.
Can I thank Russell George for his contribution and his questions? I'll say at the outset that I know that there are also good Conservatives in Westminster as well, who, like the Member, share concerns for the future of Airbus. I think, based on the comments that both Stephen Crabb and Guto Bebb have made recently, we do have Conservative parliamentarians who are there to champion Airbus. And although it wasn't featured on Radio 4 when I gave the interview, I did press the case for Stephen Crabb to be brought back into Government and Boris Johnson to be evacuated from the building.
In order to get the best possible deal for Britain, what Theresa May first of all has to do is drop her red lines and free herself from the handcuffs that people like Boris Johnson and Jacob Rees-Mogg have applied to her. The First Minister, I believe, has issued a statement following discussions that were had during the British-Irish Council, but I will happily ensure that that statement is shared with Members again. The discussions that took place, I believe, in Guernsey covered the announcement by Airbus and the response from the First Minister, and also the joint statement from the First Ministers of Wales and Scotland.
Parking Brexit for one moment, the Member is absolutely right that the Welsh Government can and must have a role in ensuring that the right conditions are created for sustainable economic growth, not just within the aerospace sector, but in other sectors right across the economy as well. For our part, I was determined some time ago—and it was for this reason we built it into the Welsh Labour manifesto some years ago—to ensure that we captured the wing of the tomorrow. This is the future of Airbus composite manufacturing processes. If we don't get the wing of tomorrow, it's going to be far more difficult to ensure that the Broughton site has a long-term, viable future.
In order to capture the prototype of wing of the future, we decided to invest in the Advanced Manufacturing Research Institute. This is based on the well-proven model of the Advanced Manufacturing Research Centre just near Sheffield. It was a proposal that was also promoted by Plaid Cymru Members, including Steffan Lewis. Just a few months ago, I cut the ground on the AMRI. This is a crucial facility that will enable the prototypes of the wing of tomorrow to be developed in Wales. Okay, it may only have been £20 million, which, compared to investments that Airbus makes very regularly, may be a small sum, however, our contribution of £20 million will lead to an increase in GVA for the area of something in the region of £4 billion over the next 20 years. And if we get the right deal from Brexit negotiations, it will also secure employment for 6,500 people for many years to come.
Now, in addition to developing the AMRI, what we are also doing is making sure that the supply chain remains strong. It's quite a striking fact that the aerospace and defence sector in Wales employs 20,000 people across over 150 companies. We are incredibly strong in this sector, and that's part of the reason why we are so vulnerable and exposed in terms of Brexit. Six of the top 10 aerospace and defence companies worldwide have located significant operations in Wales. Airbus have two sites, General Dynamics have two sites, GE Aviation, Raytheon, BAE Systems—[Interruption.] No, the Member, from a sedentary position, says 'in spite of Brexit'. No, these are companies that have been based here for a good length of time and who share the concerns that Airbus have expressed recently, but which Airbus has been telling Members such as himself. If he would only get up to Broughton to talk with managers there. If he would only get over to Newport to talk with managers there. If he would only get over to General Dynamics, to GE Aviation, to Raytheon, to BAE Systems, to Safran who’ve acquired Zodiac. If he’d only get to companies like Qioptiq, like British Airways, the Defence Electronics and Components Agency, Babcock, Triumph. All of these companies have been consistent in the message that they have given to us in Welsh Government and to UK Government—that a 'no deal' scenario will hammer the defence and aerospace sector. In order to keep jobs in Wales, in Britain, we need a decent deal. To get a decent deal, Theresa May has to drop her red lines.
In terms of the wider economic conditions that can be created to support growth, the economic action plan clearly articulates a need to invest more in export and trade. As we exit the EU, we need to make sure that we rebalance the export profile of the Welsh economy. But we also need to make sure that we are exporting in the aggregate far more, that we are trading far more, and that's why we are opening more offices and we're having a greater degree of a presence in key territories around the world. We've opened offices recently in places like Montreal, and we'll be opening in other territories that are crucial to the future of the Welsh economy.
The economic action plan as well is clear in creating a lens through which we will support businesses that is designed to reduce the productivity gap between the Welsh economy and the economy of the rest of Europe. So, we will only invest in projects that can demonstrate that they are contributing to decarbonisation or improving trade and exporting figures, or ensuring that we embrace the fourth industrial revolution, that we are at the forefront of new technological change, or that ensure that we are creating high-quality employment. For that reason, because we are developing a consolidated fund, we expect to be able to allocate more resource in the future to those businesses that create jobs that are sustainable, that require higher skills, that are more productive, that contribute more to the Welsh economy and that offer opportunities for fair work and progression, to ensure that anybody that gets into the workplace can have an escalator of opportunity to get as high as they can possibly get.
Gaf i ddiolch i Russell George am ei gyfraniad ac am ei gwestiynau? Dywedaf ar y dechrau fy mod yn gwybod bod Ceidwadwyr da yn San Steffan hefyd, sydd, fel yr Aelod, hefyd yn bryderus am ddyfodol Airbus. Rwy’n credu, yn seiliedig ar y sylwadau y mae Stephen Crabb a Guto Bebb wedi eu gwneud yn ddiweddar, bod gennym ni seneddwyr Ceidwadol sydd yno i eiriol dros Airbus. Ac er na chafodd hyn sylw ar Radio 4 pan roddais y cyfweliad, fe wnes i bwysleisio'r achos dros ddod â Stephen Crabb yn ôl i'r Llywodraeth a throi Boris Johnson o’r adeilad.
Er mwyn taro’r fargen orau bosibl i Brydain, y peth cyntaf y mae’n rhaid i Theresa May ei wneud yw lliniaru ei safbwyntiau a’i rhyddhau ei hun o'r gefynnau y mae pobl fel Boris Johnson a Jacob Rees-Mogg wedi eu rhoi arni. Mae Prif Weinidog Cymru, rwy'n credu, wedi cyhoeddi datganiad ar ôl trafodaethau a fu yn ystod y Cyngor Prydeinig-Gwyddelig, ond byddwn yn hapus i sicrhau bod y datganiad hwnnw’n cael ei rannu gyda'r Aelodau unwaith eto. Roedd y trafodaethau a gynhaliwyd, rwy'n credu, yn Guernsey yn cynnwys y cyhoeddiad gan Airbus a’r ymateb gan Brif Weinidog Cymru, a hefyd y datganiad ar y cyd gan Brif Weinidogion Cymru a'r Alban.
I roi Brexit o'r neilltu am eiliad, mae'r Aelod yn hollol iawn y gall, a bod rhaid i, Lywodraeth Cymru chwarae rhan i sicrhau bod yr amodau cywir yn cael eu creu ar gyfer twf economaidd cynaliadwy, nid yn unig o fewn y sector awyrofod, ond mewn sectorau eraill ledled yr economi hefyd. O'n rhan ni, roeddwn yn benderfynol gryn amser yn ôl—a dyma pam y gwnaethom ei gynnwys ym maniffesto Llafur Cymru rai blynyddoedd yn ôl—i sicrhau ein bod ni’n creu adenydd y dyfodol. Dyma yw dyfodol prosesau gweithgynhyrchu cyfansoddion Airbus. Os na chawn ni adenydd y dyfodol, bydd hi’n llawer anoddach sicrhau bod gan safle Brychdyn ddyfodol hyfyw, hirdymor.
Er mwyn sicrhau prototeip adenydd y dyfodol, fe wnaethom ni benderfynu buddsoddi yn y Sefydliad Ymchwil Gweithgynhyrchu Uwch. Mae hyn yn seiliedig ar fodel llwyddiannus y Ganolfan Ymchwil Gweithgynhyrchu Uwch ger Sheffield. Roedd yn gynnig a gafodd ei hybu hefyd gan Aelodau Plaid Cymru, gan gynnwys Steffan Lewis. Ychydig fisoedd yn ôl, torrais y dywarchen yn y Sefydliad Ymchwil Gweithgynhyrchu Uwch. Mae hwn yn gyfleuster hollbwysig a fydd yn caniatáu datblygu prototeipiau adenydd y dyfodol yng Nghymru. Iawn, efallai mai dim ond £20 miliwn ydoedd, sydd, o'i gymharu â buddsoddiadau y mae Airbus yn eu gwneud yn rheolaidd iawn, yn swm bach, ond bydd ein cyfraniad o £20 miliwn yn arwain at gynnydd yng ngwerth ychwanegol crynswth yr ardal o tua £4 biliwn dros yr 20 mlynedd nesaf. Ac os cawn ni’r fargen iawn o drafodaethau Brexit, bydd hefyd yn sicrhau cyflogaeth i 6,500 o bobl am flynyddoedd lawer.
Nawr, yn ogystal â datblygu’r Sefydliad Ymchwil Gweithgynhyrchu Uwch, yr hyn yr ydym ni hefyd yn ei wneud yn gwneud yn siŵr bod y gadwyn gyflenwi’n aros yn gryf. Mae'n ffaith eithaf trawiadol bod y sector awyrofod ac amddiffyn yng Nghymru yn cyflogi 20,000 o bobl mewn mwy na 150 o gwmnïau. Rydym ni’n hynod o gryf yn y sector hwn, ac mae hynny'n rhan o'r rheswm pam rydym ni mor agored i niwed o ran Brexit. Mae chwech o 10 prif gwmni awyrofod ac amddiffyn y byd wedi lleoli gweithrediadau sylweddol yng Nghymru. Mae gan Airbus ddau safle, mae gan General Dynamics ddau safle, GE Aviation, Raytheon, BAE Systems—[Torri ar draws.] Na, mae’r Aelod yn dweud, ar ei eistedd, 'er gwaethaf Brexit'. Na, mae'r rhain yn gwmnïau sydd wedi’u sefydlu yma ers amser maith ac sy’n rhannu’r pryderon y mae Airbus wedi eu mynegi’n ddiweddar, ond y mae Airbus wedi bod yn eu dweud wrth Aelodau fel yntau. Petai o ond yn mynd i Frychdyn i siarad â rheolwyr yno. Petai o ond yn mynd i Gasnewydd i siarad â rheolwyr yno. Petai o ond yn mynd i General Dynamics, i GE Aviation, i Raytheon, i BAE Systems, i Safran sydd wedi caffael Zodiac. Petai o ond yn mynd i gwmnïau fel Qioptiq, fel British Airways, yr Asiantaeth Cydrannau ac Electroneg Amddiffyn, Babcock, Triumph. Mae pob un o'r cwmnïau hyn wedi bod yn gyson yn y neges y maent wedi'i rhoi inni yn Llywodraeth Cymru a Llywodraeth y DU—bydd senario 'dim bargen' yn ddinistriol i’r sector awyrofod ac amddiffyn. Er mwyn cadw swyddi yng Nghymru, ym Mhrydain, mae angen bargen ddigonol arnom ni. I gael bargen ddigonol, mae’n rhaid i Theresa May liniaru ei safbwyntiau.
O ran yr amodau economaidd ehangach y gellir eu creu i gefnogi twf, mae'r cynllun gweithredu economaidd yn mynegi’n glir bod angen buddsoddi mwy mewn allforio a masnachu. Wrth inni adael yr UE, mae angen inni wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn ailgydbwyso proffil allforio economi Cymru. Ond mae angen inni hefyd wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn allforio llawer mwy mewn crynswth, ein bod yn masnachu llawer mwy, a dyna pam rydyn ni’n agor mwy o swyddfeydd ac yn cynyddu ein presenoldeb mewn tiriogaethau allweddol ledled y byd. Rydym ni wedi agor swyddfeydd yn ddiweddar mewn lleoedd fel Montreal, a byddwn yn agor mewn tiriogaethau eraill sy’n hollbwysig i ddyfodol economi Cymru.
Mae'r cynllun gweithredu economaidd hefyd yn glir—mae’n creu cyfrwng y byddwn yn ei defnyddio i gefnogi busnesau, ac sydd wedi'i chynllunio i leihau'r bwlch rhwng economi Cymru ac economi gweddill Ewrop. Felly, byddwn ond yn buddsoddi mewn prosiectau sy'n gallu dangos eu bod yn cyfrannu at ddatgarboneiddio neu at wella ffigurau masnach ac allforio, neu’n sicrhau ein bod yn cofleidio’r pedwerydd chwyldro diwydiannol, ein bod ar flaen y gad o ran newid technolegol newydd, neu sy'n sicrhau ein bod yn creu swyddi o safon uchel. Am y rheswm hwnnw, gan ein bod yn datblygu cronfa gyfunol, rydym yn disgwyl gallu dyrannu mwy o adnoddau yn y dyfodol i'r busnesau hynny sy'n creu swyddi cynaliadwy, sydd ag angen mwy o sgiliau, sy’n fwy cynhyrchiol, sy’n cyfrannu mwy at economi Cymru ac sy’n cynnig cyfleoedd ar gyfer gwaith a dilyniant teg, i sicrhau bod gan unrhyw un sy'n ymuno â'r gweithle y cyfle i ddringo mor uchel ag y gallant.
We all remember, I'm sure, back in 1980, when Deeside saw the worst mass redundancy of modern times when Shotton steelworks axed more than 6,500 workers in a single day. Of course, it took the area a generation to overcome that. In fact, I'm sure the effects are still being felt. But it has re-established itself—the area—as an industrial powerhouse in the north-east of Wales, but, of course, last week's intervention has cast another shadow that is causing huge concern in terms of the jobs, in terms of the impact on the wider economy and in terms of the wider supply chain, certainly. And were Airbus to abandon its operations in Broughton, then I fear that the effects wouldn't be as bad, they would probably be worse than those experienced back in 1980.
So, this is a real Brexit wake-up call for people in all parts of the UK. This is the reality check that many of us have been warning about for a long, long time, and it leaves highly skilled and well-paid workers facing huge uncertainty. It won't happen overnight. Whatever the circumstances, it'll take years, if this is to happen, for investment to disappear, but it certainly casts a shadow over those hard-working, dedicated and loyal workers at Airbus, the youngsters who are currently there, studying their apprenticeships, and the thousands of workers, as I said earlier, in the wider supply chain who fear the impact Brexit will have on their jobs.
I'd just like to refer to a press article that I saw in The Leader where Shaun Hingston, a 15-year-old youth council representative from Saltney—you've seen it; I'm glad. He raises some real, pertinent points about how Airbus leaving the UK would be devastating for young people in Wales, and he really reflects the angst felt by the younger generation, who, of course, will be the generation that will live longest with the legacy or the consequences of Brexit, and he says that
'The moving or closure of Airbus in the UK would result in huge job losses, that would start a negative multiplier effect, businesses in the local area would relocate or close.'
By moving, of course, that would mean that people don't have the opportunity to go on work experience at Airbus or to complete apprentice programmes—the programmes that hundreds of young people across the area are doing and want to do, and are aspiring to do because they see Airbus as one of their dream jobs.
Now, Shaun clearly understands the effects of the chaotic Brexit policies currently being pursued by this UK Government, even more so, I venture to say, than some UK Government Ministers. And that's the underlying issue here, I think, isn't it, that the current Brexit policy being pursued by the UK Government to leave the EU single market and the customs union—? I recognise, as you referred to, I think, earlier, that the Welsh Government's position on Brexit is to maintain membership of both. It was certainly detailed in the White Paper, 'Securing Wales's Future', that was co-authored with my party, but I have to say that the actions by the UK Labour Party have contradicted that. I'm just wondering whether the Cabinet Secretary shares some of my frustration at how ineffective Labour MPs have been in stopping this prospect of a hard Brexit.
We've seen the banners at Labour Live, we heard the chants and the singing at the rally at the weekend. Does he not feel a smidgen of regret that Labour opposition at Westminster is failing to change this trajectory that is leading us down this horrible path? And does he not wish that things were being done differently by his own party, whilst not letting the Conservatives off the hook? Because if that trajectory isn't successfully changed, then I fear, as many other people have said before me, that this Airbus example is just the tip of the iceberg.
Usually, when I respond to a statement, my first questions is, 'What's the Government going to do about this?' But, of course, the scale of this prospect is so huge, it's so unprecedented in the devolved era, that it's quite a difficult question to ask, let alone answer. But I would like to know, and following on from the questions asked previously, what scenario planning the Government has done. Have you plotted out what the impact of a hard Brexit would be and what action you would consider to try, as much as you can, to mitigate those impacts?
You mentioned your economic action plan, 'Prosperity for All', are you revisiting that in any way in the light of this? Because the thrust of it, and it's one that many of us support, is that we need to grow more well-paid and highly skilled jobs here in Wales. But, of course, this will require a rearguard action, because we're moving in the wrong direction. It will be about consolidation, as best we can, let alone growth in that particular respect.
Airbus, of course, has its risk assessment, as we've all read. Where is the Government's risk assessment? Have you done some of that work? Maybe you could let us know.
And, of course, the impact that this will have on further education and higher education is significant. Both the Cabinet Secretary and myself were at a meeting of the cross-party group from north Wales, last week, where we were left in no uncertain terms about the impact on important institutions in north-east Wales, such as Coleg Cambria. It would be significant, and I'm wondering what discussions the Cabinet Secretary has had with his Cabinet colleagues about maybe how some of those impacts could be mitigated and managed if they were to be realised.
Rydym ni i gyd yn cofio, rwy'n siŵr, yn ôl yn 1980, pan welodd Glannau Dyfrdwy ddiswyddo ar y raddfa fwyaf yn yr oes fodern pan ddiswyddodd gwaith dur Shotton dros 6,500 o weithwyr mewn un diwrnod. Wrth gwrs, cymerodd genhedlaeth i’r ardal oresgyn hynny. Yn wir, rwy’n siŵr eu bod nhw’n dal i deimlo’r effeithiau. Ond mae wedi ei ailsefydlu ei hun—yr ardal—yn bwerdy diwydiannol yng ngogledd-ddwyrain Cymru, ond, wrth gwrs, mae ymyriad yr wythnos diwethaf wedi taflu cysgod arall sy'n peri pryder enfawr o ran swyddi, o ran yr effaith ar yr economi ehangach ac o ran y gadwyn gyflenwi ehangach, yn sicr. A phe bai Airbus yn rhoi'r gorau i'w gweithrediadau ym Mrychdyn, rwy’n ofni y byddai’r effeithiau nid cynddrwg, ond yn ôl pob tebyg yn waeth na'r rhai a gafwyd yn ôl yn 1980.
Felly, mae hyn yn galw pobl ym mhob rhan o'r DU i ddod at eu coed o ran Brexit. Dyma’r realiti y mae llawer ohonom ni wedi bod yn rhybuddio amdano ers amser hir iawn, ac mae'n golygu bod gweithwyr medrus sydd ar gyflogau da yn wynebu ansicrwydd enfawr. Ni wnaiff ddigwydd dros nos. Beth bynnag fo'r amgylchiadau, bydd yn cymryd blynyddoedd, os yw hyn yn digwydd, i’r buddsoddi ddiflannu, ond yn sicr mae'n bwrw cysgod dros weithwyr diwyd, ymroddedig a ffyddlon Airbus, y bobl ifanc sydd yno ar hyn o bryd, yn astudio ar gyfer eu prentisiaethau, a miloedd o weithwyr, fel y dywedais yn gynharach, yn y gadwyn gyflenwi ehangach sy'n ofni’r effaith a gaiff Brexit ar eu swyddi.
Hoffwn gyfeirio at erthygl yn y wasg a welais yn The Leader lle mae Shaun Hingston, cynrychiolydd cyngor ieuenctid 15 mlwydd oed o Saltney—rydych wedi ei gweld; rwy'n falch. Mae'n gwneud rhai sylwadau perthnasol, go iawn, ynghylch sut y byddai ymadawiad Airbus o'r DU yn drychinebus i bobl ifanc yng Nghymru, ac mae ef wir yn adlewyrchu'r ing y mae’r genhedlaeth iau yn ei deimlo—nhw, wrth gwrs, fydd y genhedlaeth a fydd yn byw hwyaf gydag etifeddiaeth neu ganlyniadau Brexit, ac mae'n dweud:
Byddai symud neu gau Airbus yn y DU yn arwain at ddiswyddiadau anferth, a fyddai’n sbarduno effaith lluosydd negyddol, ac y byddai busnesau yn yr ardal leol yn adleoli neu’n cau.
Byddai symud, wrth gwrs, yn golygu na fydd gan bobl y cyfle i fynd ar brofiad gwaith yn Airbus neu i gwblhau rhaglenni prentisiaeth—y rhaglenni y mae cannoedd o bobl ifanc ledled yr ardal yn eu gwneud ac am eu gwneud, ac yn gobeithio eu gwneud oherwydd eu bod yn gweld Airbus yn un o swyddi eu breuddwydion.
Nawr, mae Shaun yn amlwg yn deall effeithiau’r polisïau Brexit di-drefn y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn eu canlyn ar hyn o bryd, hyd yn oed yn fwy felly, mentraf ddweud, na rhai o Weinidogion Llywodraeth y DU. A dyna yw'r mater sylfaenol yma, rwy’n credu, onid e, sef bod y polisi Brexit presennol y mae Llywodraeth y DU yn ei ddilyn i adael marchnad sengl ac undeb tollau yr UE—? Rwy’n cydnabod, fel y gwnaethoch gyfeirio ato, rwy’n credu, yn gynharach, mai safbwynt Llywodraeth Cymru ar Brexit yw parhau'n aelodau o'r ddau. Yn sicr, nodwyd hynny yn y Papur Gwyn, 'Sicrhau Dyfodol Cymru', a gafodd ei lunio ar y cyd â fy mhlaid i, ond mae'n rhaid imi ddweud bod yr hyn y mae Plaid Lafur y DU wedi’i wneud wedi gwrthweithio hynny. Ond tybed a yw Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn rhannu rhywfaint o fy rhwystredigaeth o ran pa mor aneffeithiol y mae ASau Llafur wedi bod o ran atal y posibilrwydd hwn o Brexit caled.
Rydym ni wedi gweld y baneri yn Labour Live, wedi clywed y siantio a’r canu yn y rali dros y penwythnos. Onid yw'n teimlo mymryn o ofid bod gwrthwynebiad Llafur yn San Steffan yn methu â newid y cyfeiriad hwn sy’n ein harwain ar hyd y llwybr ofnadwy hwn? Ac onid yw’n dymuno y byddai ei blaid ef ei hun yn gwneud pethau'n wahanol, yn hytrach na gadael i’r Ceidwadwyr wneud fel y mynnont? Oherwydd os nad ydynt yn llwyddo i newid y cyfeiriad hwnnw, rwy’n ofni, fel y mae llawer o bobl eraill wedi’i ddweud o fy mlaen i, mai dim ond dechrau pethau fydd enghraifft Airbus.
Fel arfer, pan fyddaf yn ymateb i ddatganiad, fy nghwestiwn cyntaf yw, 'Beth mae’r Llywodraeth yn mynd i'w wneud am hyn?' Ond, wrth gwrs, mae’r posibilrwydd hwn mor enfawr, ac mor ddigynsail yn yr oes ddatganoledig, nes ei fod yn gwestiwn anodd ei ofyn, heb sôn am ei ateb. Ond fe hoffwn i wybod, ac i ddilyn y cwestiynau sydd wedi cael eu gofyn yn barod, sut mae’r Llywodraeth wedi cynllunio ar gyfer gwahanol sefyllfaoedd. Ydych chi wedi amlinellu beth fyddai effaith Brexit caled a pha gamau fyddech chi’n eu hystyried i geisio, cymaint ag y gallwch chi, lliniaru'r effeithiau hynny?
Rydych chi wedi sôn am eich cynllun gweithredu economaidd 'Ffyniant i Bawb'. Ydych chi’n ailystyried hwnnw mewn unrhyw ffordd yn sgil hyn? Oherwydd y byrdwn, sy’n un y mae llawer ohonom yn ei gefnogi, yw bod angen inni ddatblygu mwy o swyddi hynod fedrus sy’n talu'n dda yma yng Nghymru. Ond, wrth gwrs, bydd angen gwrthsafiad, oherwydd rydym ni’n symud i'r cyfeiriad anghywir. Bydd yn fater o sefydlogi, cystal ag y gallwn ni, heb sôn am dyfu yn hynny o beth.
Wrth gwrs, mae gan Airbus eu hasesiad risg, fel yr ydym ni i gyd wedi darllen. Ble mae asesiad risg y Llywodraeth? Ydych chi wedi gwneud rhywfaint o'r gwaith hwnnw? Efallai y gallech roi gwybod i ni.
Ac, wrth gwrs, mae'r effaith a gaiff hyn ar addysg bellach ac addysg uwch yn sylweddol. Roedd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet a minnau mewn cyfarfod o'r grŵp trawsbleidiol o ogledd Cymru, yr wythnos diwethaf, lle dywedwyd wrthym ni heb unrhyw amheuaeth am yr effaith ar sefydliadau pwysig yn y gogledd-ddwyrain, fel Coleg Cambria. Byddai’n sylweddol, ac rwy’n meddwl tybed pa drafodaethau a fu rhwng Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet a'i gyd-Weinidogion yn y Cabinet ynglŷn â sut efallai y gellid lliniaru rhai o'r effeithiau hynny a’u rheoli pe baen nhw’n cael eu gwireddu.
Are you winding up, please?
A ydych chi’n dirwyn i ben, os gwelwch yn dda?
I am, I am, yes.
The NHS was supposed to enjoy a £350 million a week Brexit dividend. Of course, the Centre for European Reform has told us now that the true cost is already £440 million a week, and that's a Brexit deficit, and this is before Airbus, BMW and the others potentially up sticks. Now, I didn't see that on the side of the Brexit bus that was driven around this country. But does the Cabinet Secretary, therefore, sense that with the reality of a hard Brexit now dawning on people, and what the real impact of that hard Brexit would be on people's jobs and people's wages, that there actually is now a shift in public opinion, and that if the referendum was held today, the result actually would be quite different?
Ydw, ydw.
Roedd y GIG i fod i fwynhau difidend Brexit o £350 miliwn yr wythnos. Wrth gwrs, mae Canolfan Diwygio Ewrop nawr wedi dweud wrthym ni bod y wir gost eisoes yn £440 miliwn yr wythnos, ac mae hynny'n ddiffyg Brexit, a hyn cyn i Airbus, BMW ac eraill o bosibl ein gadael ni. Nawr, welais i mo hynny ar ochr y bws Brexit a oedd yn cael ei yrru o gwmpas y wlad. Ond a yw Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, felly, yn synhwyro, gan fod realiti Brexit caled nawr yn gwawrio ar bobl, a beth fyddai effaith wirioneddol y Brexit caled hwnnw ar swyddi pobl ac ar gyflogau pobl, bod y farn gyhoeddus mewn gwirionedd nawr wedi newid, a phe bai’r refferendwm yn cael ei gynnal heddiw, y byddai'r canlyniad yn wahanol iawn?
Can I thank the Member for his questions and his contribution as a whole? It's a tragic fact that Shotton still holds the European record for the most lost jobs in a single day in modern industrial history across Europe. I was in receipt recently of a 1963 black-and-white photo of that year's intake of apprentices. It featured my dad, that's why it was sent to me, and upon scrutinising this photo, it became quite clear that most of the people in that photo were not in work at that site within 20 years of the photo being taken. I do wonder how many people at Airbus today will have work at that site in two decades in the event of a 'no deal' scenario.
I think it's also tragic that Shaun, a 15-year-old, can articulate far better and with greater maturity the threats and challenge we face than Jeremy Hunt is able to do, in terms of what could happen to Airbus and the aerospace industry. Airbus are not fearmongering. Airbus are stating the facts. Airbus are doing what a responsible business should do, which is to share candidly, frankly, openly and honestly with a Government the likely outcome of a bad deal being reached or, even worse, a 'no deal' scenario, and Airbus are not alone in expressing these concerns.
Today we heard that companies representing something in the region of 850,000 people across the UK share those very real concerns. Although Airbus is clearly the biggest private sector employer in north-east Wales, and certainly the biggest employer in Wales in terms of aerospace and defence, within that small part of Wales there is a strong cluster of businesses in the aerospace and defence sector. There's Airbus of course; there's Magellan; there's Qioptiq; DECA; Raytheon—businesses that employ people who are incredibly, incredibly well-skilled, and paid good salaries, people who are really loyal, people who contribute hugely to the local economy and to the Welsh economy as a whole.
I think, as we look to the future, we need to just reflect on the very clear and consistent approach that the Welsh Labour Government has taken since the referendum, and it's an approach that, on occasions, has been adopted—perhaps stolen—by UK Government, certainly in terms of the free and unfettered access to the single market. It is something that, at times, the UK Government tried to replicate, in terms of hyperbole. Sadly, the red lines that have been drawn out by the Prime Minister would not allow that to happen in reality, based on the discussions that have taken place, but I do think that Keir Starmer has done a fantastic job in holding the UK Government to account, and continues to do an outstanding job in holding UK Government Ministers to account.
In terms of what we're doing, we've looked at the impact of various scenarios on the Welsh economy, sector by sector, and what is quite clear is that if there is no deal, we cannot possibly mitigate against all of the consequences; this is just too grave a situation. The economy would shrink by more than 10 per cent in all likelihood, but the EAP, the economic action plan, has been designed as such to allow for automatic stabilisers to be deployed, rather than for the strategy to be shelved and a new strategy to be adopted for panic circumstances. The economic action plan is designed to be robust in any environment, but clearly, depending on the type of deal—and whether there is a deal at all—that emerges in the coming months, support for businesses will be focused on those areas that can weather the storm that is to come. But I don't think that we should believe that we can endure a 'no deal' scenario without the loss of significant jobs in the Welsh economy.
I regularly speak, not just with my colleagues in the department for education, but I also speak with leaders in higher and further education and, again, their concerns are very real, and very grave indeed.
I think it's fair to say that any deal that is reached should be agreed by the Parliaments of the UK. Should Parliaments decide that a deal is not sufficient and reject it, then in all likelihood, a general election could be called, and it may well be the case that another vote would have to take place. We shouldn't rule out the likelihood of people turning on the decision that was made, given the very real threat that so many people now face in terms of their livelihoods.
A gaf i ddiolch i'r Aelod am ei gwestiynau ac am ei gyfraniad yn ei gyfanrwydd? Mae'n ffaith drist bod Shotton yn dal i ddal y record Ewropeaidd am golli’r nifer mwyaf o swyddi mewn un diwrnod yn hanes diwydiannol modern ledled Ewrop. Yn ddiweddar, ces i lun du a gwyn o 1963 o’r prentisiaid a ddechreuodd y flwyddyn honno. Roedd fy nhad yn y llun, a dyna pam cafodd ei anfon ataf fi, ac ar ôl craffu ar y llun hwn, daeth yn glir nad oedd y rhan fwyaf o’r bobl yn y llun hwnnw’n gweithio ar y safle hwnnw o fewn 20 mlynedd ar ôl i’r llun gael ei dynnu. Tybed faint o bobl yn Airbus heddiw fydd â gwaith ar y safle hwnnw ymhen ddau ddegawd pe cawn ni sefyllfa 'dim bargen'.
Rwy’n meddwl hefyd ei bod yn drist iawn bod Shaun, bachgen 15 mlwydd oed, yn gallu cyfleu’n llawer gwell ac yn fwy aeddfed y bygythiadau a'r her sy'n ein hwynebu nag y mae Jeremy Hunt yn gallu ei wneud, o ran beth allai ddigwydd i Airbus a'r diwydiant awyrofod. Nid codi bwganod mae Airbus. Datgan y ffeithiau mae Airbus. Mae Airbus yn gwneud beth ddylai busnes cyfrifol ei wneud, sef rhannu’n ddidwyll, yn blaen, yn agored ac yn onest gyda Llywodraeth beth yw canlyniad tebygol taro bargen wael neu, yn waeth byth, sefyllfa 'dim bargen’, ac nid dim ond Airbus sy’n mynegi’r pryderon hyn.
Rydym ni wedi clywed heddiw bod cwmnïau sy'n cynrychioli tuag 850,000 o bobl ledled y DU yn rhannu’r pryderon difrifol hynny. Er mai Airbus yn amlwg yw'r cyflogwr sector preifat mwyaf yn y gogledd-ddwyrain, ac yn sicr y cyflogwr mwyaf yng Nghymru o ran awyrofod ac amddiffyn, yn y rhan fechan honno o Gymru ceir clwstwr cryf o fusnesau yn y sector awyrofod ac amddiffyn. Airbus wrth gwrs; Magellan; Qioptiq; DECA; Raytheon—busnesau sy'n cyflogi pobl sy'n hynod, hynod fedrus, ac yn cael cyflogau da, pobl sy’n bobl ffyddlon iawn, pobl sy’n gwneud cyfraniad enfawr at yr economi leol ac at economi Cymru yn ei chyfanrwydd.
Rwy’n credu, wrth inni edrych at y dyfodol, bod angen inni fyfyrio ychydig ar y dull clir a chyson iawn y mae Llywodraeth Lafur Cymru wedi’i ddilyn ers y refferendwm, ac mae'n ddull sydd, ar rai achlysuron, wedi cael ei fabwysiadu—ei ddwyn efallai—gan Lywodraeth y DU, yn sicr o ran y mynediad rhydd a dirwystr i'r farchnad sengl. Mae'n rhywbeth, ar adegau, y mae Llywodraeth y DU wedi ceisio ei efelychu, ar ffurf gormodiaith. Yn anffodus, ni fyddai'r hualau y mae Prif Weinidog y DU wedi’u llunio yn caniatáu i hynny ddigwydd mewn gwirionedd, yn seiliedig ar y trafodaethau sydd wedi digwydd, ond rwy'n credu bod Keir Starmer wedi gwneud gwaith gwych i ddal Llywodraeth y DU i gyfrif , a’i fod yn parhau i wneud gwaith rhagorol o ran dwyn Gweinidogion Llywodraeth y DU i gyfrif.
O ran yr hyn rydym ni'n ei wneud, rydym ni wedi edrych ar effaith y sefyllfaoedd amrywiol ar economi Cymru, fesul sector, a’r hyn sy'n gwbl glir yw os na fydd bargen, bydd hi’n amhosibl inni liniaru pob un o'r canlyniadau; mae’r sefyllfa’n rhy ddifrifol. Byddai’r economi’n crebachu dros 10 y cant yn ôl pob tebyg, ond mae’r cynllun gweithredu economaidd wedi’i lunio mewn modd sy’n caniatáu defnyddio sefydlogyddion awtomatig, yn hytrach na chefnu ar y strategaeth a mabwysiadu strategaeth newydd ar gyfer amgylchiadau o argyfwng. Mae’r cynllun gweithredu economaidd wedi’i lunio i fod yn gadarn mewn unrhyw amgylchiadau, ond yn amlwg, gan ddibynnu ar y math o fargen—ac a oes bargen o gwbl—a ddaw i'r amlwg yn ystod y misoedd nesaf, bydd cymorth i fusnesau yn canolbwyntio ar y meysydd hynny a fydd yn gallu goroesi'r storm sydd i ddod. Ond dydw i ddim yn meddwl y dylem ni gredu y gallwn ni oddef sefyllfa 'dim bargen' heb golli llawer o swyddi yn economi Cymru.
Rwy’n siarad yn rheolaidd, nid yn unig gyda'm cyd-Aelodau yn yr adran addysg, ond rwyf hefyd yn siarad ag arweinwyr addysg uwch ac addysg bellach ac, unwaith eto, mae ganddyn nhw bryderon gwirioneddol sy’n ddifrifol iawn yn wir.
Rwy’n credu ei bod hi'n deg dweud y dylai Seneddau’r DU gytuno ar unrhyw fargen a gaiff ei tharo. Pe bai’r Seneddau’n penderfynu nad yw’r fargen yn ddigonol ac yn ei gwrthod, yn ôl pob tebyg, gellid galw etholiad cyffredinol, ac mae'n ddigon posibl y byddai’n rhaid cynnal pleidlais arall. Ddylem ni ddim diystyru’r siawns y gallai pobl droi yn erbyn y penderfyniad a wnaethpwyd, o ystyried y bygythiad gwirioneddol sy’n wynebu cynifer o bobl nawr o ran eu bywoliaeth.
Well, it's hard to stifle a yawn at the latest example of fake news from project fear: the latest in an interminable line of such prognostications over the last three years. This is a political statement, more than anything else, in the propaganda war by the remainer establishment that—as the Cabinet Secretary just let the cat out of the bag in his final words—refuses to accept the referendum result of two years ago, where 17.5 million people voted to leave the EU.
He knows as well as I do that most aircraft components would be tariff-free under WTO rules, and even in the few cases where they would be subject to tariffs, those tariffs would be very, very low—certainly less than 5 per cent. But of course we all want a free trade deal with the EU—it makes common sense on both sides—but the obstacle to this deal isn't Theresa May; it's Michel Barnier and the EU Commission, because they put the political interests of the unelected European federalist establishment ahead of the economic well-being of the people of Europe. A free trade deal is clearly in the interests of EU citizens, because last year they sold to us £192 billion more in goods than we sold to them. So, if they had to face reciprocal tariffs to compensate for the ones that would be imposed upon us as a result of a Brexit 'no deal', then there would be massive convulsions in the EU as well.
Wel, mae'n anodd peidio â dylyfu gên wrth glywed yr enghraifft ddiweddaraf o newyddion ffug gan brosiect ofn: y diweddaraf mewn llith ddiderfyn o ddaroganau o'r fath dros y tair blynedd diwethaf. Datganiad gwleidyddol yw hwn yn bennaf, yn y rhyfel propaganda gan y sefydliad sydd o blaid aros ac sydd—fel y mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet newydd adael y gath o'r cwd yn ei eiriau olaf—yn gwrthod derbyn canlyniad y refferendwm ddwy flynedd yn ôl, pan bleidleisiodd 17.5 miliwn o bobl i adael yr UE.
Mae e’n gwybod cystal â mi y byddai’r rhan fwyaf o gydrannau awyrennau’n ddi-dariff o dan reolau Corff Masnachu'r Byd, a hyd yn oed yn yr ychydig achosion lle byddai tariffau arnynt, byddai’r tollau hynny’n isel iawn, iawn—yn sicr yn llai na 5 y cant. Ond wrth gwrs hoffem i gyd daro bargen masnach rydd gyda'r UE—mae'n gwneud synnwyr cyffredin ar y ddwy ochr—ond nid Theresa May yw’r rhwystr rhag y fargen hon, ond Michel Barnier a Chomisiwn yr UE, oherwydd iddyn nhw, mae buddiannau gwleidyddol y sefydliad ffederal Ewropeaidd anetholedig yn drech na lles economaidd pobl Ewrop. Mae’n amlwg bod bargen fasnach rydd er budd dinasyddion yr UE, oherwydd y llynedd fe wnaethon nhw werthu £192 biliwn yn fwy o nwyddau i ni nag y gwnaethon ni eu gwerthu iddyn nhw. Felly, pe bai’n rhaid iddyn nhw wynebu tariffau cyfatebol i wneud iawn am y rhai a fyddai’n cael eu gosod arnom ni o ganlyniad i ‘ddim bargen’ gyda Brexit, byddai cynnwrf enfawr yn yr UE hefyd.
To take up one point that the Cabinet Secretary mentioned in his remarks a moment ago about the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders joining Airbus as prophets of doom, 14 per cent of every single vehicle produced in Germany is exported to the United Kingdom. If they had to face a 10 per cent tax upon imports to this country as a result of doing the same to us exporting to the EU, that would be massively against the interests of German motor manufacturers.
So, I hope that these individuals are putting as much pressure upon Monsieur Barnier to agree a free trade deal as their counterparts in this country are doing to the United Kingdom Government to give in to every demand of the EU establishment. I'd like to know, for example, if Airbus bigwigs have written to Monsieur Barnier to complain about his point-blank refusal to discuss a sensible free trade deal, as agreed recently with Canada, and a few years ago with South Korea. Why shouldn't we have a deal of that kind? What is the political objection to that?
That a company like Airbus should act as an accomplice of a hostile foreign power seeking to undermine British interests, I think, is disgraceful, but I wonder whether this might be in some way connected to the $18 billion-worth of illegal state aid that they've received from European Governments in recent years, as recently adjudicated only a month ago by the World Trade Organization. As a result of that, the US trade representative has said this paves the way for the United States to impose retaliatory tariffs upon EU goods. This is not the way to go if we're to have sensible policy making in Europe, and I hope that the Welsh Government will agree with me in that respect.
But this statement today, of course, is really an illusory one because there is no prospect whatsoever of Airbus closing down its entire operations in this country. Where otherwise would the wings for the plane be made? It isn't so easy just to close down and transfer to other parts of Europe or the world. Let's look at the context in which this statement has been put out. How many huge companies have made similar prognostications of doom that have been overtaken by events and shown to be false in recent years? Goldman Sachs's Lloyd Blankfein made some of the most apocalyptic statements about the effects of Brexit, and yet, in April this year, opening a new £1 billion office complex in London, he said,
'I am wrong because I would have thought there would have been a worse outcome...The UK economy has surprised to the upside'.
Look at Siemens: again, Joe Kaeser, a massive remainer, said that Brexit would disrupt the economy, uncertainty about the relationship with the EU would have significant negative long-term effects, the UK would be a less attractive place to do business, it may be a factor when Siemens considers future investment here, and yet, in November 2017, whilst cutting 3,000 jobs in Germany and 1,000 across Europe, he announced an investment of £39 million to expand its largest UK plant in Lincoln, which employs 1,500 people.
Just to turn to Airbus finally, and its previous remarks in this respect, of course, Airbus say now they will pull investment, whatever that means—or may pull investment, whatever that means—if there is no deal. It's hedged around with so many 'ifs' and 'buts' and caveats it's impossible to draw any conclusions from it. But only two years ago, of course, Tom Enders was one of the chief players in project fear during the referendum campaign. In intervention after intervention he threatened to pull investment if the company voted to leave, and yet, of course, they haven't done that. Since then he has admitted that the company plans to retain its operations—and I quote—'long into the future'. He wrote to Greg Clark in February of this year to say that they regard the UK as a home country and a competitive place to invest. The 'home country' reference, of course, is important because that means that, within the economic strategy development within the company, Airbus's national divisions are regarded as a priority and influence the decisions on production and strategy.
So, what this is all about, actually, is trying to make sure that 'no deal' is well and truly off the table. Well, he hardly needs to do that because Theresa May's incompetence and the shambolic Government that have completely wrecked the whole Brexit opportunities that were presented two years ago have already achieved that objective: in effect, we will remain part of the EU, in form if not in name. So, Airbus has nothing to worry about.
I gyfeirio at yr un agwedd y soniodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet amdani yn ei sylwadau ennyd yn ôl am Gymdeithas y Gwneuthurwyr a Masnachwyr Moduron yn ymuno ag Airbus fel proffwydi gwae, mae 14 y cant o bob un cerbyd sy’n cael ei gynhyrchu yn yr Almaen yn cael ei allforio i’r Deyrnas Unedig. Pe bai’n rhaid iddynt wynebu treth o 10 y cant ar fewnforion i'r wlad hon am eu bod nhw’n gwneud yr un peth i ni wrth inni allforio i'r UE, byddai hynny'n ddrwg iawn i fuddiannau gweithgynhyrchwyr moduron yr Almaen.
Felly, rwy’n gobeithio bod yr unigolion hyn yn rhoi cymaint o bwysau ar Monsieur Barnier i gytuno ar fargen masnach rydd ag y mae eu cymheiriaid yn y wlad hon yn ei roi ar Lywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig i ildio i holl ofynion sefydliad yr EU. Hoffwn wybod, er enghraifft, a yw pwysigion Airbus wedi ysgrifennu at Monsieur Barnier i gwyno am ei wrthodiad diamod i drafod bargen fasnach rydd synhwyrol, fel y cytunwyd yn ddiweddar â Canada, ac ychydig flynyddoedd yn ôl â De Korea. Pam na ddylem ni gael bargen o'r fath? Beth yw’r gwrthwynebiad gwleidyddol i hynny?
Mae’r ffaith bod cwmni fel Airbus yn cynorthwyo pŵer tramor gelyniaethus sy’n ceisio tanseilio buddiannau Prydain, rwy’n credu, yn warthus, ond tybed a allai hyn fod yn gysylltiedig mewn rhyw ffordd â’r gwerth $18 biliwn o gymorth gwladwriaethol anghyfreithlon y maen nhw wedi’i gael gan Lywodraethau Ewropeaidd yn y blynyddoedd diwethaf, fel y barnodd Sefydliad Masnach y Byd dim ond mis yn ôl. O ganlyniad i hynny, mae cynrychiolydd masnach yr Unol Daleithiau wedi dweud bod hyn yn braenaru'r tir i’r Unol Daleithiau godi tollau dialgar ar nwyddau o’r UE. Nid dyma sut i fynd ati os ydym ni eisiau llunio polisïau synhwyrol yn Ewrop, ac rwy’n gobeithio y gwnaiff Llywodraeth Cymru gytuno â mi yn hynny o beth.
Ond y gwir amdani yw bod y datganiad hwn heddiw, wrth gwrs, yn un twyllodrus oherwydd does dim gobaith o gwbl y gwnaiff Airbus gau eu holl weithrediadau yn y wlad hon. Ble arall byddai adenydd yr awyren yn cael eu gwneud? Dyw hi ddim mor hawdd cau a throsglwyddo i rannau eraill o Ewrop neu'r byd. Dewch inni edrych ar gyd-destun cyhoeddi’r datganiad hwn. Faint o gwmnïau enfawr sydd wedi gwneud daroganau gwae tebyg yn y blynyddoedd diwethaf ond y bu'r hyn a ddigwyddodd yn wahanol ac y cafwyd eu bod yn anghywir yn y pen draw? Gwnaeth Lloyd Blankfein o gwmni Goldman Sachs rai o'r datganiadau mwyaf apocalyptaidd am effeithiau Brexit, ac eto, ym mis Ebrill eleni, wrth agor canolfan swyddfeydd newydd gwerth £1 biliwn yn Llundain, dywedodd:
Rwyf yn anghywir oherwydd fy mod yn credu y byddai'r canlyniad wedi bod yn waeth…Mae economi'r DU wedi fy synnu ar yr ochr orau.
Edrychwch ar Siemens: unwaith eto, dywedodd Joe Kaeser, a oedd yn daer o blaid aros yn yr UE, y byddai Brexit yn amharu ar yr economi, y byddai ansicrwydd ynghylch y berthynas â’r UE yn achosi effeithiau negyddol sylweddol tymor hir, y byddai’r DU yn lle llai deniadol i fasnachu, y gallai fod yn ffactor pan fyddai Siemens yn ystyried buddsoddi yn y dyfodol yma, ac eto, ym mis Tachwedd 2017, er eu bod wedi torri 3,000 o swyddi yn yr Almaen a 1,000 ledled Ewrop, cyhoeddodd ef fuddsoddiad o £39 miliwn i ehangu eu ffatri fwyaf yn y DU yn Lincoln, sy'n cyflogi 1,500 o bobl.
Dim ond i droi at Airbus yn olaf, a’u sylwadau blaenorol am hyn, wrth gwrs, mae Airbus yn dweud nawr y byddan nhw’n diddymu buddsoddiad, beth bynnag mae hynny'n ei olygu—neu y gallen nhw ddiddymu buddsoddiad, beth bynnag mae hynny’n ei olygu—os nad oes bargen. Maen nhw mor amwys wrth ddweud ‘os’ ac ‘oni bai’ a rhoi rhybuddion nes ei bod hi’n amhosib dod i unrhyw gasgliadau. Ond dim ond ddwy flynedd yn ôl, wrth gwrs, roedd Tom Enders yn flaenllaw iawn yn y prosiect ofn yn ystod ymgyrch y refferendwm. Mewn un ymyriad ar ôl y llall gwnaeth fygwth diddymu buddsoddiad pe bai’r cwmni’n pleidleisio i adael, ac eto, wrth gwrs, dydyn nhw ddim wedi gwneud hynny. Ers hynny mae ef wedi cyfaddef bod y cwmni’n bwriadu cadw eu gweithrediadau—fel y dywedodd—yn bell i’r dyfodol. Ysgrifennodd ef at Greg Clark ym mis Chwefror eleni i ddweud eu bod yn ystyried y DU yn wlad sy'n gartref iddynt ac yn lle cystadleuol i fuddsoddi. Mae'r cyfeiriad at 'wlad sy'n gartref iddynt', wrth gwrs, yn bwysig, oherwydd mae hynny'n golygu, wrth ddatblygu strategaeth economaidd yn y cwmni, bod adrannau cenedlaethol Airbus yn cael eu hystyried yn flaenoriaeth a’u bod yn dylanwadu ar y penderfyniadau ar gynhyrchu a strategaeth.
Felly, hanfod hyn oll, mewn gwirionedd, yw ceisio gwneud yn siŵr na fydd 'dim bargen' o gwbl. Wel, prin fod angen iddo wneud hynny oherwydd mae anallu Theresa May a’r Llywodraeth hollol ddi-glem sydd wedi difetha’n llwyr yr holl gyfleoedd Brexit oedd yn bodoli ddwy flynedd yn ôl eisoes wedi cyflawni’r amcan hwnnw: i bob pwrpas, byddwn yn parhau'n rhan o’r UE, mewn ffurf os nad mewn enw. Felly, does gan Airbus ddim byd i boeni amdano.
This is—. It's embarrassing, frankly. I hope nobody within any industrial sector and no investors have listened to this contribution. But just one quick question that's been playing on my mind whilst listening to the Member: where is the Member that is supposed to be representing the 6,500 people in Broughton within your party right now? I don't see the UKIP Member for North Wales present behind you cheering what you were saying. I don't see her supporting what you were saying about the future of the Airbus plant.
It is frankly shameful that you choose to rubbish not just Airbus, but the likes of—[Interruption.] You were rubbishing Airbus. You were rubbishing their concerns. You were claiming that the likes of Oxford Economics are merely opposed to Brexit and therefore motivated by one factor rather than carrying out objective analysis on behalf of Airbus. I don't know whether you've read 'The impact of Airbus on the UK economy'. I don't know whether you've visited any of the Airbus sites. You have? Have you visited the Broughton site recently? Have you spoken with senior managers? Because you surely haven't listened to them. The words may have been spoken, but—[Interruption.] Look, my message will be really clear: get out of your trench, take out your ear plugs and listen to people who know about the aerospace sector a hell of a lot more than you do, because 6,500 jobs in Broughton are on the line, 400 to 500 in Newport are on the line. This company does not play petty party politics. This company is an international operation that is determined to make sure that it has future growth, and, if it can't do that in the UK, it will do it elsewhere.
This isn't just about tariffs. The Member seems to think that the only question in town in terms of Brexit is whether we have to apply tariffs. It's not about tariffs for Airbus. It's very clear, if you read 'The impact of Airbus on the UK economy', that actually it's about the movement of people and it's the regulatory environment that could cause severe disruption.
In terms of car imports, are you seriously suggesting that consumers would be happy to pay an extra 10 per cent for cars that are imported into Britain, in spite of the fact that a huge number of components of those cars are actually made in Britain, that jobs depend on those cars, that—?Okay, their final assembly may take place outside of Britain, but the jobs that supply the components are actually here within the UK, and therefore tariffs will have a major impact—[Interruption.] They would have a major impact, and they would lead—[Interruption.] Within the supply chain, they could lead to considerable loss of jobs.
Look, these are warnings. At what point are you going to actually accept that warnings need to be heeded, that you cannot ignore warnings that a 'no deal' scenario would be far more damaging— far more damaging—for the UK economy than a decent Brexit deal? Instead you just want to march full steam ahead to a cliff, without any due regard for the 6,500 people employed at Airbus in Broughton, the 400 to 500 that are employed in—[Interruption.] I notice that the Member is making comments from a sedentary position. If he has an intervention to make, I'd happily take it.
Mae hyn—. Mae'n embaras, a dweud y gwir. Rwy’n gobeithio nad oes neb o unrhyw sector diwydiannol nac unrhyw fuddsoddwyr wedi gwrando ar y cyfraniad hwn. Ond dim ond un cwestiwn cyflym sydd wedi bod yn fy meddwl wrth wrando ar yr Aelod: ble mae’r Aelod sydd i fod yn cynrychioli'r 6,500 o bobl ym Mrychdyn yn eich plaid ar hyn o bryd? Dydw i ddim yn gweld yr aelod UKIP dros ogledd Cymru yn bresennol y tu ôl ichi i gymeradwyo’r hyn roeddech chi’n ei ddweud. Dydw i ddim yn ei gweld hi’n cefnogi’r hyn roeddech chi’n ei ddweud am ddyfodol ffatri Airbus.
A dweud y gwir, mae’n gywilyddus eich bod chi’n dewis difrïo nid yn unig Airbus, ond pobl fel—[Torri ar draws.] Roeddech chi’n difrïo Airbus. Roeddech chi’n difrïo eu pryderon. Roeddech chi’n honni bod sefydliadau fel Oxford Economics yn gwrthwynebu Brexit, ac felly mai dyna’r unig ffactor oedd yn eu cymell nhw, yn hytrach na gwneud dadansoddiad gwrthrychol ar ran Airbus. Dydw i ddim yn gwybod a ydych chi wedi darllen 'The impact of Airbus on the UK economy'. Dydw i ddim yn gwybod a ydych chi wedi ymweld ag unrhyw un o safleoedd Airbus. Rydych chi wedi? Ydych chi wedi ymweld â safle Brychdyn yn ddiweddar? Ydych chi wedi siarad ag uwch reolwyr? Oherwydd yn sicr, dydych chi heb wrando arnynt. Efallai fod y geiriau wedi eu llefaru, ond—[Torri ar draws.] Edrychwch, bydd fy neges yn glir iawn: dewch allan o’ch ffos, tynnwch y plygiau o’ch clustiau a gwrandewch ar bobl sy'n gwybod mwy o beth cythraul am y sector awyrofod na chi, oherwydd mae 6,500 o swyddi ym Mrychdyn yn y fantol, 400 i 500 yng Nghasnewydd yn y fantol. Dydy’r cwmni hwn ddim yn chwarae gwleidyddiaeth bleidiol bitw. Mae'r cwmni hwn yn gwmni rhyngwladol sydd yn benderfynol o wneud yn siŵr y gall dyfu yn y dyfodol, ac, os na all wneud hynny yn y DU, bydd yn gwneud hynny yn rhywle arall.
Nid dim ond mater o dariffau yw hwn. Mae’n ymddangos bod yr Aelod yn credu mai’r unig gwestiwn o ran Brexit yw a oes rhaid inni ddefnyddio tariffau. Dydy hyn ddim yn fater o dariffau i Airbus. Mae'n glir iawn, os darllenwch chi 'The impact of Airbus on the UK economy', mai'r mater o ganiatáu i bobl symud a’r amgylchedd rheoleiddio a allai achosi aflonyddwch difrifol.
O ran mewnforio ceir, a ydych chi o ddifrif yn awgrymu y byddai cwsmeriaid yn hapus i dalu 10 y cant yn ychwanegol am geir sy’n cael eu mewnforio i Brydain, er gwaetha'r ffaith bod nifer enfawr o gydrannau’r ceir hynny’n cael eu gwneud ym Mhrydain, bod swyddi’n dibynnu ar y ceir hynny, bod—? Iawn, efallai eu bod nhw’n cael eu cydosod yn derfynol y tu allan i Brydain, ond mae’r swyddi sy'n cyflenwi’r cydrannau yma yn y DU, ac felly bydd tariffau’n cael effaith fawr—[Torri ar draws.] Bydden nhw’n cael effaith fawr, a bydden nhw’n arwain—[Torri ar draws.] O fewn y gadwyn gyflenwi, gallai hynny arwain at golli llawer o swyddi.
Edrychwch, mae'r rhain yn rhybuddion. Pa bryd ydych chi'n mynd i dderbyn bod angen gwrando ar rybuddion, na fedrwch chi anwybyddu rhybuddion y byddai sefyllfa 'dim bargen' yn llawer mwy niweidiol—yn llawer mwy niweidiol—i economi'r DU na bargen Brexit dda? Yn hytrach, rydych chi’n bwriadu rhuthro mor gyflym â phosib at ochr y dibyn, heb roi unrhyw sylw dyledus i’r 6,500 o bobl sy’n cael eu cyflogi gan Airbus ym Mrychdyn, y 400 i 500 sy'n cael eu cyflogi yng—[Torri ar draws.] Rwy’n sylwi bod yr Aelod yn gwneud sylwadau ar ei eistedd. Os oes ganddo ymyriad i’w wneud, byddwn i’n hapus i’w dderbyn.
No. No, there are no interventions, and I would ask—[Interruption.] Just a minute, just a minute. I would ask all Members, just listen to the Cabinet Secretary. You've asked a set of questions and you should listen to what the answers are. Thank you.
Na. Na, does dim ymyriadau, a byddwn yn gofyn—[Torri ar draws.] Mewn munud, mewn munud. Rwy’n gofyn i bob aelod wrando ar Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Rydych chi wedi gofyn cyfres o gwestiynau a dylech chi wrando ar yr atebion. Diolch.
Finally, in terms of the point that the Member made concerning false warnings that have taken place elsewhere in the industry, not just concerning Brexit, but other historical, other factors, one big point to bear in mind is that many politicians only woke up to the threats that Tata were making, and the concerns that Tata were expressing, when the businesses here in Wales and across the UK were put up for sale. Will it take the loss of tens if not hundreds of thousands of jobs in the UK for those who are championing a 'no deal' scenario to actually wake up and accept that they were wrong and that they put people out of work?
Yn olaf, o ran y sylw a wnaeth yr Aelod am rybuddion anghywir y mae elfennau eraill o'r diwydiant wedi eu gwneud, nid yn unig ynghylch Brexit, ond ffactorau eraill, hanesyddol, un agwedd bwysig i'w chadw mewn cof yw bod llawer o wleidyddion wedi anwybyddu bygythiadau Tata, a phryderon Tata, nes i’r busnesau yma yng Nghymru a ledled y DU gael eu rhoi ar werth. A fydd angen colli degau os nad cannoedd o filoedd o swyddi yn y DU cyn i’r bobl sydd o blaid sefyllfa 'dim bargen' ddeffro a derbyn eu bod yn anghywir a’u bod wedi gwneud pobl yn ddi-waith?
Can I start by thanking the Cabinet Secretary for bringing forward this hugely important statement today? From the outset, I think it is important to recognise that this isn't just a warning unique to Airbus—it's a warning right across the sectors and industries in Wales, and across Europe as well. Over the weekend we've had BMW and we've had many others, including Ferrovial today, and SMMT, which you've made reference to within your statement. All these warnings have one thing in common, and that one thing is uncertainty. Just last week, I was asking the finance Secretary about the issue of uncertainty, and it's been a common theme throughout my time on the external affairs committee. Whenever I've visited workplaces, such as Airbus, Tata Steel or Toyota, it's always been an issue that has been raised. Unfortunately, the clarity that we all have been seeking has not been forthcoming. So, could the Cabinet Secretary update Members on whether the UK Government has made any clear representations to him since Airbus's announcement? In addition to that, could he say whether he's had any correspondence with Unite the Union on this particular issue over the weekend? I spoke to representatives from the union and they shared many of my concerns, mainly because they know the incredible contribution that Airbus makes to Alyn and Deeside, to Wales, and to those right across the UK.
You've mentioned that Airbus is one of the largest employers in Wales, employing nearly 6,500 people, and that makes it the second largest private employer in Wales. So, would the Cabinet Secretary agree that it is not too late for the UK Government to show leadership and provide the clarity that the business needs, and not only the business, but, more importantly, the workforce, needs? Airbus makes a substantial direct contribution to the Welsh GDP, as Members know, and in 2015 the company made a direct value-added contribution to Wales's GDP of £563 million. Now, that's the equivalent to over 5 per cent of the economic output produced in Cardiff during the same year.
I welcome the Cabinet Secretary's continued support, and, most recently, the investment of the Advanced Manufacturing Research Institute within Airbus's plant in Broughton, and I believe we need more investment from the Welsh Government. But I just need to say: would the Cabinet Secretary agree with me that those figures that I've mentioned there and this announcement should be a wake-up call for the UK Government? And, if it isn't, I really don't know what will be.
Just briefly, I'd like to touch on a point made by my colleague from across the Chamber Llyr Gruffydd, when he raised the importance and recognition of what happened during the Shotton closure. You're absolutely right; it won't be as bad, it will absolutely be worse, and that's something we simply cannot let happen.
Finally, Deputy Presiding Officer, I would just like to pick up on a point, where—. I do not believe this a political stunt from Airbus, I believe this is a clear warning and a warning that should be taken very, very seriously. I'm not sure if you've seen it over the weekend, Cabinet Secretary, but, on the Daily Politics show, Nigel Farage attacked Airbus as a political project before sniggering at the talk of Welsh people, Welsh families, potentially losing their jobs. So, would you join me, Cabinet Secretary, in denouncing this complete irresponsibility and join me when I say to those Welsh workers and their families, and the workers in the future, that we are with you during this difficult time, and we will stand up with you?
A gaf fi ddechrau drwy ddiolch i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am gyflwyno'r datganiad eithriadol o bwysig hwn heddiw? O'r cychwyn cyntaf, rwy’n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig cydnabod nad yw’r rhybudd hwn yn unigryw i Airbus—mae'n rhybudd ledled holl sectorau a diwydiannau Cymru, a ledled Ewrop yn ogystal. Dros y penwythnos mae BMW a llawer o rai eraill, gan gynnwys Ferrovial heddiw, a SMMT; fe wnaethoch chi gyfeirio at hynny yn eich datganiad. Mae gan yr holl rybuddion hyn un peth yn gyffredin, sef ansicrwydd. Yr wythnos diwethaf, roeddwn yn gofyn i'r Ysgrifennydd Cyllid am yr ansicrwydd, ac mae wedi bod yn thema gyffredin drwy gydol fy amser ar y pwyllgor materion allanol. Pryd bynnag yr wyf wedi ymweld â gweithleoedd, fel Airbus, Tata Steel neu Toyota, mae’r mater wedi ei grybwyll bob amser. Yn anffodus, dydym ni ddim wedi cael yr eglurder yr oeddem ni i gyd yn chwilio amdano. Felly, a allai Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ddiweddaru’r Aelodau ynghylch a yw Llywodraeth y DU wedi rhoi unrhyw sylwadau clir iddo ers cyhoeddiad Airbus? Hefyd, a allai ddweud a yw wedi cael unrhyw ohebiaeth gydag Unite the Union am y mater hwn dros y penwythnos? Rwyf fi wedi siarad â chynrychiolwyr yr undeb ac roedden nhw’n rhannu llawer o'm pryderon, yn bennaf oherwydd eu bod yn gwybod y cyfraniad aruthrol y mae Airbus yn ei wneud dros Alun a Glannau Dyfrdwy, dros Gymru, a thros bobl ledled y DU.
Rydych chi wedi dweud mai Airbus yw un o'r cyflogwyr mwyaf yng Nghymru, a’u bod nhw’n cyflogi bron 6,500 o bobl, a bod hynny’n golygu mai nhw yw’r ail gyflogwr preifat mwyaf yng Nghymru. Felly, a fyddai Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn cytuno nad yw hi'n rhy hwyr i Lywodraeth y DU ddangos arweinyddiaeth a rhoi’r eglurder sydd ei angen ar y busnes, ac nid yn unig y busnes, ond, yn bwysicach, sydd ei angen ar y gweithlu? Mae Airbus yn gwneud cyfraniad uniongyrchol sylweddol at gynnyrch domestig gros Cymru, fel mae’r Aelodau yn ei wybod, ac yn 2015 cyfrannodd y cwmni, yn uniongyrchol, £563 miliwn o werth ychwanegol at gynnyrch domestig gros Cymru. Nawr, mae hynny'n cyfateb i dros 5 y cant o’r allbwn economaidd a gynhyrchwyd yng Nghaerdydd yn ystod yr un flwyddyn.
Rwy’n croesawu cefnogaeth barhaus Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ac yn fwyaf diweddar, buddsoddiad y Sefydliad Ymchwil Gweithgynhyrchu Uwch yn ffatri Airbus ym Mrychdyn, ac rwy’n credu bod arnom ni angen mwy o fuddsoddiad gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Ond mae angen imi ddweud: a fyddai Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn cytuno â mi y dylai’r ffigurau hynny yr wyf wedi sôn amdanynt a’r cyhoeddiad hwn ddeffro Llywodraeth y DU? Ac, os na wnaiff, dydw i wir ddim yn gwybod beth wnaiff.
Dim ond yn gryno, hoffwn gyfeirio at sylw a wnaeth fy nghyd-aelod o ben arall y Siambr, Llyr Gruffydd, wrth sôn am bwysigrwydd yr hyn a ddigwyddodd wrth gau ffatri Shotton a chydnabod hynny. Rydych chi'n hollol gywir; ni fydd cynddrwg, bydd yn bendant yn waeth, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth, yn syml, na allwn ni ganiatáu iddo ddigwydd.
Yn olaf, Dirprwy Lywydd, hoffwn gyfeirio at sylw, lle—. Dydw i ddim yn credu mai ystryw wleidyddol yw hyn gan Airbus, rwy’n credu ei fod yn rhybudd clir ac yn rhybudd y dylid bod yn ddifrifol iawn, iawn yn ei gylch. Dydw i ddim yn siŵr a ydych chi wedi ei weld dros y penwythnos, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, ond, ar y sioe Daily Politics, ymosododd Nigel Farage ar Airbus fel prosiect gwleidyddol cyn piffian chwerthin wrth i rywun sôn am bobl Cymru, teuluoedd Cymru, o bosibl yn colli eu swyddi. Felly, a fyddech yn ymuno â mi, Ysgrifennydd Cabinet, i gondemnio’r anghyfrifoldeb llwyr hwn ac yn ymuno â mi pan ddywedaf wrth y gweithwyr hynny o Gymru a'u teuluoedd, ac wrth y gweithwyr yn y dyfodol, ein bod ni gyda chi yn ystod y cyfnod anodd hwn, ac y gwnawn ni sefyll gyda chi?
Can I thank Jack Sargeant for his contribution and for his questions? He's absolutely right—what investors want when they look at any country is certainty in terms of the political and economic environment and they need the right skills to be available and the right infrastructure in place. In Wales, we're improving the skills base, we're developing the right infrastructure, but Brexit risks impacting on us terribly if there is no deal or if there is a deal that does not meet the needs of Welsh businesses.
Can I say to Members that I have spoken with Greg Clark? I spoke with the Secretary of State for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy on Friday. I conveyed to him my very serious concerns and also expressed my support for Members within his own party, albeit most from the back benches, including Anna Soubry and Guto Bebb, in terms of their comments recently concerning the statement by Airbus. It is not too late for the UK Government to change course. They need to drop the red lines and they need to accept a pragmatic arrangement. Unfortunately, because the Prime Minister is being shackled by those on the far right of her party, such an outcome is increasingly unlikely.
Now, I can say that, in addition to speaking with the Secretary of State, I speak very regularly with Unite the Union and with Airbus itself, with managers. Indeed, I recently appointed Katherine Bennett, senior vice-president of Airbus UK, to the new ministerial advisory board, recognising her insight, knowledge and expertise not just in the aerospace sector and manufacturing as a whole, but also in terms of the UK economy and the opportunities that we have, if we get the right Brexit deal, to develop the supply chain for the aerospace original equipment manufacturers.
Now, Jack Sargeant is absolutely right, we are investing very heavily in Broughton; we have in the past. It's as a consequence of the repayable aid and the skills support and other forms of support that have been offered to Airbus over many years by successive Labour Governments that we now have 6,500 people employed at that site. We have helped to grow that site and we'll die in a ditch defending those people who are employed there; we will not give up on them.
As far as Nigel Farage is concerned, and his sniggering on television at the prospect of people—thousands of people—losing their jobs, this is the behaviour of a silver-spoon-sucking toff who, I'm afraid, has no awareness of what a decent hard day's work is like in the aerospace sector. If all he can do is respond by sniggering, then I'm afraid he won't be welcome at Airbus or any other industrial site where jobs could be obliterated by a 'no deal' scenario.
A gaf fi ddiolch i Jack Sargeant am ei gyfraniad ac am ei gwestiynau? Mae'n llygad ei le—yr hyn y mae buddsoddwyr ei eisiau pan fyddan nhw’n edrych ar unrhyw wlad yw sicrwydd o ran yr amgylchedd gwleidyddol ac economaidd ac mae arnyn nhw angen i’r sgiliau cywir fod ar gael a’r seilwaith iawn yn ei le. Yng Nghymru, rydym ni'n gwella'r sylfaen sgiliau, rydym ni'n datblygu'r seilwaith priodol, ond mae perygl y gallai Brexit effeithio arnom ni yn ofnadwy os nad oes bargen neu os nad yw’r fargen yn diwallu anghenion busnesau Cymru.
A gaf fi ddweud wrth yr Aelodau fy mod i wedi siarad gyda Greg Clark? Fe wnes i siarad gyda'r Ysgrifennydd Gwladol dros Fusnes, Ynni a Strategaeth Ddiwydiannol ddydd Gwener. Fe wnes i sôn wrtho am fy mhryderon difrifol iawn, ac fe wnes i hefyd fynegi fy nghefnogaeth i Aelodau o fewn ei blaid ef, er bod y rhan fwyaf o'r rheini ar y meinciau cefn, gan gynnwys Anna Soubry a Guto Bebb, o ran eu sylwadau diweddar ynghylch y datganiad gan Airbus. Nid yw'n rhy hwyr i Lywodraeth y DU newid cyfeiriad. Mae angen iddynt liniaru eu safbwyntiau ac mae angen iddynt dderbyn trefniant pragmatig. Yn anffodus, gan fod y Prif Weinidog wedi'i gefynnu gan eithafwyr asgell dde ei phlaid, mae canlyniad o'r fath yn gynyddol annhebygol.
Nawr, a gaf i ddweud, yn ogystal â siarad gyda'r Ysgrifennydd Gwladol, fy mod yn siarad yn rheolaidd iawn gydag Unite the Union a gydag Airbus eu hunain, gyda rheolwyr. Yn wir, yn ddiweddar fe wnes i benodi Katherine Bennett, uwch is-lywydd Airbus UK, i’r bwrdd cynghori gweinidogol newydd, gan gydnabod ei chraffter, ei gwybodaeth a’i harbenigedd nid yn unig yn y sector awyrofod a gweithgynhyrchu yn gyffredinol, ond hefyd o ran economi'r DU a'r cyfleoedd sydd gennym ni, os cawn y fargen Brexit gywir, i ddatblygu’r gadwyn gyflenwi ar gyfer gweithgynhyrchwyr gwreiddiol y cyfarpar awyrofod.
Nawr, mae Jack Sargeant yn hollol gywir, rydym ni’n buddsoddi’n sylweddol iawn ym Mrychdyn; rydym ni wedi yn y gorffennol. Mae hynny o ganlyniad i'r cymorth ad-daladwy a’r cymorth sgiliau a’r mathau eraill o gymorth a gynigiwyd i Airbus dros lawer o flynyddoedd gan Lywodraethau Llafur olynol, a nawr mae’r safle hwnnw’n cyflogi 6,500 o bobl. Rydym ni wedi helpu i dyfu’r safle hwnnw ac rydym ni’n fodlon ymladd nerth ein deng ewin i amddiffyn y bobl hynny sy'n cael eu cyflogi yno; wnawn ni ddim cefnu arnyn nhw.
O ran Nigel Farage, a’i biffian chwerthin ar y teledu wrth y posibilrwydd y gallai pobl—miloedd o bobl—golli eu swyddi, dyna ymddygiad swancyn breintiedig sydd, mae arnaf ofn, yn hollol anymwybodol o beth yw diwrnod caled da o waith yn y sector awyrofod. Os mai’r oll y gall ef ei wneud yw ymateb drwy biffian chwerthin, mae arnaf ofn na fydd croeso iddo yn Airbus nac yn unrhyw safle diwydiannol arall lle gallai swyddi gael eu chwalu gan sefyllfa 'dim bargen'.
Thank you. I've got two more speakers. I will extend this statement, but that's not to say that I expect the next two speakers to go on at length, so—. Jayne Bryant.
Diolch. Mae gen i ddau siaradwr arall. Rwy’n mynd i ymestyn y datganiad hwn, ond dydy hynny ddim yn golygu fy mod i’n disgwyl i’r ddwy siaradwr nesaf fod yn hirwyntog, felly—. Jayne Bryant.
Diolch, Deputy Presiding Officer. I'd like to thank the Cabinet Secretary for bringing forward this important statement today and for his strong words. Last week's announcement has been very worrying. Airbus employs thousands of people in Wales, and, whilst the vast majority of workers are based in Broughton, Airbus employs 450 people in Newport. Airbus Newport is home to the digital transformation global cyber centre of excellence, and the team of cyber research engineers delivers world-leading research in the field of cyber defence. They predominantly work in highly classified environments, delivering high-grade cyber protection.
Following the uncertainty of Brexit, I understand Airbus are already seeing an impact on their space business with the Galileo satellite navigation programme. I visited the Newport site in my constituency immediately after the Brexit vote to listen to their concerns. We must not lose these highly skilled good-quality jobs nor see a decline in investment. There will be a significant knock-on effect on the economy and the local area if we do. In addition to those who work in Newport, some of my constituents work at Airbus in Filton, which manufactures wings for military aircraft, as well as the design, engineering and support for Airbus commercial wings.
Airbus has been consistent with its messaging to the UK Government since the referendum—a 'no deal' Brexit would severely disrupt production. Furthermore, Airbus are concerned that the current planned transition is too short for a company to implement the required changes within its extensive supply chain. So, does the Cabinet Secretary agree that the warning from Airbus and others must be a reality check for the UK Government, whose lack of clarity is putting future investment and jobs at risk?
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Hoffwn ddiolch i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am gyflwyno'r datganiad pwysig hwn heddiw ac am ei eiriau cryf. Mae cyhoeddiad yr wythnos diwethaf wedi peri pryder mawr. Mae Airbus yn cyflogi miloedd o bobl yng Nghymru, ac, er bod y mwyafrif helaeth o weithwyr wedi’u lleoli ym Mrychdyn, mae Airbus yn cyflogi 450 o bobl yng Nghasnewydd. Mae Airbus Casnewydd yn gartref i’r ganolfan ragoriaeth seiber trawsnewid digidol byd-eang, ac mae’r tîm o beirianwyr ymchwil seiber yn gwneud gwaith ymchwil sy'n arwain y byd ym maes seiberddiogelwch. Maent yn gweithio'n bennaf mewn amgylcheddau hynod ddirgel, gan ddarparu amddiffyniadau seiber gradd uchel.
Yn dilyn ansicrwydd Brexit, rwyf ar ddeall fod Airbus eisoes yn gweld effaith ar eu busnes gofod gyda'r rhaglen llywio lloeren Galileo. Ymwelais â safle Casnewydd yn fy etholaeth yn union ar ôl y bleidlais Brexit i wrando ar eu pryderon. Rhaid inni beidio â cholli’r swyddi hyfedr rhagorol hyn na gweld gostyngiad mewn buddsoddi. Byddai hynny’n cael effaith sylweddol ar yr economi a'r ardal leol. Yn ogystal â’r bobl sy’n gweithio yng Nghasnewydd, mae rhai o'm hetholwyr yn gweithio yn Airbus yn Filton, sy'n gweithgynhyrchu adenydd ar gyfer awyrennau milwrol, yn ogystal â dylunio, peiriannu a chefnogi adenydd masnachol Airbus.
Mae negeseuon Airbus i Lywodraeth y DU ers y refferendwm wedi bod yn gyson—byddai Brexit 'dim bargen' yn amharu'n ddifrifol ar gynhyrchu. At hynny, mae Airbus yn pryderu bod y cyfnod pontio arfaethedig presennol yn rhy fyr i gwmni wneud y newidiadau sydd eu hangen yn ei gadwyn gyflenwi helaeth. Felly, a yw Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn cytuno bod rhaid i'r rhybudd gan Airbus ac eraill fod yn elfen o realiti i Lywodraeth y DU, a bod eu diffyg eglurder nhw’n peryglu swyddi a buddsoddi yn y dyfodol?
Yes, I'd agree very much with Jayne Bryant. I know how much she's championed Airbus in Newport since being elected to this Assembly, and I also know how much this particular employer matters to the region—450 skilled people are employed at the site. The site is one of our proudest industries of tomorrow, offering immense opportunity for many people who are entering a specific field in which we have great capabilities, great existing capacity as well, and I do fear that if Brexit continues to go in the direction that we've seen in recent months then those jobs could be at risk, as Airbus have identified.
I'd also agree that the transition period is too short, insofar as what businesses have told Welsh Government. Generally, we've been told that two years, as an absolute minimum, are required for a safe transition period—often, three years are identified as the best period for which we should have a transition.
I know that Jayne Bryant, and many other Members in this Chamber, will feel incredibly frustrated that in spite of their warnings, in spite of the concerns that they have expressed in this Chamber and outside, those warnings still fall on deaf ears in Downing Street. It's for the Prime Minister to change direction, and the way that she can do that is to remove the red lines and negotiate sensibly with our European partners.
Ydw, rwy’n cytuno’n fawr iawn â Jayne Bryant. Rwy’n gwybod ei bod hi wedi gwneud llawer i hyrwyddo Airbus yng Nghasnewydd ers cael ei hethol i'r Cynulliad hwn, ac rwy’n gwybod hefyd pa mor bwysig yw’r cyflogwr penodol hwn i'r rhanbarth—mae’r safle’n cyflogi 450 o bobl fedrus. Mae'r safle’n ddiwydiant arloesol y gallwn fod yn falch iawn ohono, ac mae’n cynnig cyfle aruthrol i lawer o bobl sy'n mentro maes penodol lle mae gennym ni allu sylweddol, capasiti sylweddol ar hyn o bryd hefyd, ac rwyf yn ofni os yw Brexit yn parhau i fynd rhagddo fel y gwelsom ni yn ystod y misoedd diwethaf, y gallai’r swyddi hynny fod mewn perygl, fel y mae Airbus wedi dweud.
Rwyf hefyd yn cytuno bod y cyfnod pontio yn rhy fyr, yn ôl yr hyn y mae busnesau wedi’i ddweud wrth Lywodraeth Cymru. Yn gyffredinol, rydym ni wedi clywed bod angen i gyfnod pontio diogel bara dwy flynedd o leiaf—yn aml, nodir mai tair blynedd fyddai’r hyd gorau i gyfnod pontio.
Rwy’n gwybod y bydd Jayne Bryant, a llawer o Aelodau eraill yn y Siambr hon, yn teimlo'n rhwystredig iawn bod Stryd Downing yn dal i anwybyddu eu rhybuddion a’r pryderon y maen nhw wedi eu mynegi yn y Siambr hon a'r tu allan iddi. Mae angen i Brif Weinidog y DU newid cyfeiriad, a'r ffordd y gall hi wneud hynny yw drwy liniaru ar ei safbwyntiau a negodi’n synhwyrol gyda'n partneriaid Ewropeaidd.
Finally, Mark Isherwood.
Yn olaf, Mark Isherwood.
Diolch. Of course, I have visited Airbus very many times. I've known Katherine Bennett for many, many years and discussed this and other matters with her. I've even been to Toulouse and met senior management and employees there, some of whom were from Broughton and were working alongside their colleagues in Toulouse.
After Friday's announcement by Airbus, I received an e-mail from an employee of Airbus who said that the news that no deal has been forthcoming to protect the thousands of highly skilled UK jobs at Airbus and their suppliers is rather worrying to say the least. Of course, the negotiations are ongoing, so I responded by saying that negotiations on the withdrawal agreement are ongoing, that the Prime Minister has made it clear that instead of a hard Brexit, she seeks a
'new, comprehensive, bold and ambitious free trade agreement',
and that she said that the agreement we reach with the EU must protect people's jobs and security.
However, given the mixed messages and the concern that employees got the message that negotiations are over, no deal is being done and they could be up the swanny accordingly, what action will you take to help balance their understanding—yes, understand the risks, but also understand the broader scenario? For example, we know that last December the European Council agreed that sufficient progress had been made in phase 1 of the Brexit negotiations with the EU to allow talks to move on to phase 2.
In March, EU and UK negotiators reached a political deal on the terms of a Brexit transition period in a new draft withdrawal agreement, following which the director general of the British Chambers of Commerce said that this was a milestone that many businesses across the UK had been waiting for, and that the agreement of a status quo transition period is great news for trading firms on both sides of the channel, as it means that they face little or no change in day-to-day business in the short term.
Will you join me in emphasising to those employees in Broughton that the UK Government last month agreed that it would be telling the EU it wished to extend Britain's membership of the customs union beyond the initial transition period, until such time as arrangements for whatever customs agreement is reached can be implemented in accordance with that agreement, and to tell them that on 19 June, last week, a joint statement from negotiators of the European Union and the UK Government on progress of negotiations under article 50 said,
'The statement details the articles of the draft Agreement where agreement has now been reached at negotiators' level, as well as those areas where further progress has been made'?
And there's a long list of areas already agreed. They concluded:
'note that the progress recorded in this statement will contribute to the finalisation of the Withdrawal Agreement'
and
'The negotiators commit to making progress as quickly as possible on all aspects necessary to reach such an agreement.'
Is it not, therefore, vital that we balance this by ensuring the workforce know that these negotiations are ongoing, know that transition has been agreed, know the UK Government acknowledges, now unanimously, the need to extend transition into extension of the customs union, for the reasons that I describe, and know that only yesterday, Greg Clark, who you referred to, the UK business and industry Secretary, told a hearing in the UK Parliament that an agreement that ensures that avoidable threats of frictions and tariffs do not take place is absolutely within our grasp, and it is what all parliamentary parties should back during the months ahead?
Diolch. Wrth gwrs, rwyf wedi ymweld ag Airbus lawer gwaith. Rwyf wedi adnabod Katherine Bennett ers blynyddoedd lawer ac wedi trafod y mater hwn a materion eraill gyda hi. Rwyf hyd yn oed wedi bod i Toulouse ac wedi cyfarfod ag uwch-reolwyr a gweithwyr yno, rhai ohonynt wedi dod o Frychdyn ac yn gweithio ochr yn ochr â’u cydweithwyr yn Toulouse.
Ar ôl cyhoeddiad Airbus ddydd Gwener, cefais e-bost gan gyflogai o Airbus a ddywedodd fod y newyddion nad oedd bargen ar y gweill i ddiogelu’r miloedd o swyddi medrus yn y DU yn Airbus a’u cyflenwyr yn peri gofid i ddweud y lleiaf. Wrth gwrs, mae’r trafodaethau’n parhau, felly fe wnes i ymateb drwy ddweud bod trafodaethau ar y cytundeb ymadael yn parhau, bod y Prif Weinidog wedi ei gwneud hi'n glir, yn hytrach na Brexit caled, bod arni eisiau, fel y dywedodd,
gytundeb masnach rydd newydd, cynhwysfawr, beiddgar ac uchelgeisiol,
a’i bod hi wedi dweud bod yn rhaid i’r cytundeb a gawn ni gyda'r UE ddiogelu swyddi a diogelwch pobl.
Fodd bynnag, o ystyried y negeseuon cymysg a'r pryder bod gweithwyr wedi cael y neges bod trafodaethau ar ben, nad oes bargen yn cael ei tharo ac y gallent felly fod mewn trafferth, beth rydych chi'n mynd i'w wneud i helpu cydbwyso eu dealltwriaeth—ie, deall y risgiau, ond hefyd deall y sefyllfa ehangach? Er enghraifft, rydym ni'n gwybod bod y Cyngor Ewropeaidd fis Rhagfyr diwethaf wedi cytuno bod digon o gynnydd wedi'i wneud yn ystod cam 1 y trafodaethau Brexit gyda'r UE i ganiatáu dechrau ar gam 2 y trafodaethau.
Ym mis Mawrth, tarodd negodwyr yr UE a'r DU fargen wleidyddol ynglŷn â thelerau cyfnod pontio Brexit mewn cytundeb ymadael drafft newydd, a dywedodd cyfarwyddwr cyffredinol Siambrau Masnach Prydain fod hyn yn garreg filltir yr oedd llawer o fusnesau ledled y DU wedi bod yn aros amdani, a bod y cytundeb o gyfnod pontio 'status quo' yn newyddion gwych i gwmnïau masnachu ar y ddwy ochr i’r sianel, gan fod hynny'n golygu na fydd dim neu fawr ddim newid i’r busnes o ddydd i ddydd yn y tymor byr.
A wnewch chi ymuno â mi i bwysleisio i'r gweithwyr hynny ym Mrychdyn fod Llywodraeth y DU fis diwethaf wedi cytuno y bydden nhw’n dweud wrth yr UE eu bod nhw’n dymuno ymestyn aelodaeth Prydain o'r undeb tollau y tu hwnt i'r cyfnod pontio cychwynnol, nes y gellir rhoi trefniadau ar waith ar gyfer pa bynnag gytundeb tollau a gaiff ei ffurfio yn unol â'r cytundeb hwnnw, ac i ddweud wrthynt fod datganiad ar y cyd gan negodwyr yr Undeb Ewropeaidd a Llywodraeth y DU ynglŷn â chynnydd trafodaethau o dan Erthygl 50 ar 19 Mehefin, yr wythnos diwethaf, wedi dweud:
Mae'r datganiad yn nodi manylion y Cytundeb drafft lle daethpwyd i gytundeb bellach o ran y negodwyr, yn ogystal â'r meysydd hynny lle mae cynnydd pellach wedi’i wneud?
Ac mae rhestr hir o feysydd lle ceir cytundeb eisoes. Daethant i'r casgliad:
bydd y cynnydd a gofnodwyd yn y datganiad hwn yn cyfrannu at gwblhau'r Cytundeb Ymadael,
a
bod y negodwyr yn ymrwymo i wneud cynnydd mor gyflym â phosibl ar bob agwedd sy’n angenrheidiol er mwyn dod i gytundeb o'r fath.
Onid yw hi, felly, yn hanfodol ein bod ni’n cydbwyso hyn drwy sicrhau bod y gweithlu yn gwybod bod y trafodaethau hyn yn mynd rhagddynt, yn gwybod bod cyfnod pontio wedi'i gytuno, yn gwybod bod Llywodraeth y DU yn cydnabod, bellach yn unfrydol, bod angen ymestyn y cyfnod pontio i ymestyn yr undeb tollau, am y rhesymau rwyf yn eu disgrifio, ac yn gwybod bod Greg Clark, Ysgrifennydd busnes a diwydiant y DU, y gwnaethoch chi gyfeirio ato, dim ond ddoe, wedi dweud wrth wrandawiad yn Senedd y DU bod cytundeb yn gwbl bosib sy'n sicrhau nad oes unrhyw fygythiad y gellir ei osgoi o ran gwrthdaro a thariffau, ac mai dyna beth ddylai'r holl bleidiau seneddol ei gefnogi yn y misoedd i ddod?
I'm pleased that Mark Isherwood has discussed this issue with the senior vice-president of Airbus UK and with many other managers in Broughton and in Toulouse. I imagine that pretty much all of those senior executives will have disagreed with the Member over the vote to leave the EU. And those UK Airbus employees that he'll have met in Toulouse, I'm afraid, if the course of direction is not changed, won't be able to get on a plane in an instant to go to any of the European Airbus facilities as they are now, and that is an essential factor that the company needs to consider in terms of where they invest. They need the surety that, when a fault develops, when maintenance is required, they can deploy skilled people, experts, technicians at the drop of a hat. I'm afraid, based on the negotiations that have taken place so far, they cannot be given that certainty.
I don't think employees have had mixed messages from Airbus. Airbus couldn't have been clearer in what they said last Friday. I think it's the UK Government that are all over the place in terms of the messages and the negotiations that are taking place. Although the request is in for me to give Airbus workers messages of comfort over Brexit negotiations, I'm afraid I have no warm messages of comfort over the negotiations, because unless Theresa May is able to drop those red lines that she's clinging to so fervently, I'm afraid that it could be catastrophic for people who are employed in the aerospace sector in the UK. Yes, ongoing negotiations are taking place, but it's the red lines that are preventing the sort of deal that we believe is in the absolute vital interest of the aerospace—[Interruption.]
I'm afraid the Member's holding up a sheet of paper with lots of words on it. If only he would read about the impact—it's a longer document, granted—but if only he would read about the impact of Brexit on Airbus he might have reached a different conclusion when the referendum took place. Let's just remind those 6,500 employees at Airbus in Broughton that the Member for North Wales from the Conservative Party actively campaigned for Britain to leave the European Union.
Rwy’n falch bod Mark Isherwood wedi trafod y mater hwn gydag uwch is-lywydd Airbus UK a llawer o reolwyr eraill ym Mrychdyn ac yn Toulouse. Rwy'n tybio y bydd bron bob un o’r uwch weithredwyr hynny wedi anghytuno â’r Aelod dros y bleidlais i adael yr UE. Ac mae arnaf ofn, os na fydd newid cyfeiriad, na fydd y gweithwyr Airbus hynny o’r DU y bydd wedi cwrdd â nhw yn Toulouse yn gallu mynd ar awyren ar amrantiad i fynd i unrhyw un o gyfleusterau Ewropeaidd Airbus fel y maen nhw’n gallu nawr, ac mae hynny'n ffactor hanfodol y mae angen i’r cwmni ei ystyried o ran lle maen nhw'n buddsoddi. Mae arnyn nhw angen y sicrwydd, pan fydd nam yn datblygu, pan fydd angen gwaith cynnal a chadw, eu bod nhw’n gallu anfon pobl fedrus, arbenigwyr, technegwyr, ar unwaith. Mae arnaf ofn, yn seiliedig ar y trafodaethau sydd wedi'u cynnal hyd yn hyn, na fydd modd rhoi’r sicrwydd hwnnw iddyn nhw.
Nid wyf yn credu bod cyflogeion wedi cael negeseuon cymysg gan Airbus. Allai Airbus ddim bod wedi bod yn fwy eglur yn yr hyn a ddywedasant ddydd Gwener diwethaf. Rwy’n credu mai Llywodraeth y DU sy'n anghyson o ran y negeseuon a'r trafodaethau sy'n digwydd. Er fy mod i wedi cael cais i gysuro gweithwyr Airbus ynglŷn â thrafodaethau Brexit, mae arnaf ofn nad oes gen i negeseuon cynnes o gysur am y trafodaethau, oherwydd oni bai bod Theresa May yn gallu lliniaru ar y safbwyntiau hynny y mae hi’n cydio mor dynn ynddyn nhw, mae arnaf ofn y gallai fod yn drychinebus i bobl sy'n cael eu cyflogi yn y sector awyrofod yn y DU. Oes, mae trafodaethau parhaus yn mynd rhagddynt, ond y safbwyntiau sy'n atal y math o fargen rydym ni’n credu ei bod er lles hanfodol y diwydiant awyrofod—[Torri ar draws.]
Mae arna i ofn bod yr Aelod yn dal taflen o bapur â llawer o eiriau arni. Pe bai’n darllen am yr effaith—mae'n ddogfen hirach, ydy—ond pe bai’n darllen am effaith Brexit ar Airbus efallai y byddai wedi dod i gasgliad gwahanol pan gynhaliwyd y refferendwm. Dewch inni atgoffa’r 6,500 o weithwyr hynny yn Airbus ym Mrychdyn bod aelod y Blaid Geidwadol dros ogledd Cymru wedi ymgyrchu’n galed ar i Brydain adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary.
Diolch ichi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet.
Item 6 on the agenda is a statement by the leader of the house on 'Enabling Gypsies, Roma and Travellers'. I call on Julie James to make that statement—Julie.
Eitem 6 ar yr agenda yw datganiad gan arweinydd y tŷ ar 'Galluogi Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr'. Rwy'n galw ar Julie James i wneud y datganiad hwnnw—Julie.
Thank you very much, Deputy Presiding Officer. Today we are publishing our 'Enabling Gypsies, Roma and Travellers' plan, which sets out our commitments to improving equality of opportunity and narrowing gaps in outcomes experienced by all people covered by our plan. The plan seeks to demonstrate the breadth of actions this Government is undertaking to enable individuals from our communities to fulfil their potential and participate in community life.
We have called our new plan 'Enabling Gypsies, Roma and Travellers' in recognition of two key themes. First, Gypsies, Roma and Travellers often possess highly developed skills and experience, distinct and valuable perspectives and a strong entrepreneurial ethic. Our systems and processes are not always as inclusive as we would like, leading to unfulfilled potential for individuals and society as a whole. We want to ensure that we enable everyone in our communities to fulfil their potential through more inclusive processes and better understanding of opportunities. Secondly, we wanted to reflect the diversity of cultures and ethnicities within the group of individuals that other Governments might simply call Travellers. This term can include many different groups and we recognise that there can be profound cultural differences between some individuals. These groups include Romani Gypsies, Irish Travellers, Roma or New Travellers. This diversity is important to community members and it was important that we reflect this in our plan. Despite these differences, groups often experience similar issues such as discrimination, marginalisation, poorer health or educational outcomes and a need for better advice and advocacy support. The late Czech President Václav Havel once famously described the treatment of Gypsies as the litmus test for a civil society. We must ensure we deliver on our commitment to Gypsies, Roma and Travellers if we are to be a fair and just society.
This plan replaces the 'Travelling to a Better Future' framework for action and delivery plan, which was originally published in 2011. 'Travelling to a Better Future' was the UK’s first strategy aimed specifically at improving outcomes experienced by Gypsies and Travellers. As we publish our new plan, we are still the only nation in the UK with a dedicated plan for supporting our communities. Since 2011, we have made good progress in a number of areas, but there is still much to do. We have legislated to ensure that residents of local authority Gypsy and Traveller sites have security of tenure and to ensure local authorities properly assess the need for additional sites in their area. We have invested approximately £18 million in site development and refurbishment and we have committed to an additional £20.3 million by the end of 2021. Although it is slower than we would like, genuine progress is being made and we will continue to drive this forward. Between 2014 and 2021 we expect to have funded more than 200 new pitches, compared to only a handful in the period between 1997 and 2014—a major achievement.
We also have more pupils from these backgrounds on the school roll than ever before, which is crucial to ensuring members of communities can access opportunities throughout their lives and that discrimination is challenged. Educational attainment still lags behind other groups and there is more to be done to ensure schools and colleges are inclusive environments and communities see the benefit of a secondary-age education. We know that Gypsies and Travellers also experience poorer health outcomes than other groups, and we are working to change this. All health boards should be undertaking Gypsy and Traveller community health needs assessments to better understand the health profile of their local communities and target interventions appropriately. We are also introducing a Gypsy and Traveller ethnic health category into NHS data collection to enable us to better understand the outcomes experienced by our communities over time.
The availability of sites is a major issue that can prevent Gypsies and Travellers accessing sustainable accommodation and impact on community cohesion. Today, we are also publishing a new planning circular, which replaces our previous circulars relating to Gypsy and Traveller sites. The circular ensures the consideration of Gypsy and Traveller sites through the planning system is reflective of updates to legislation and wider Welsh Government guidance on Gypsies and Travellers over recent years, including provisions in the Housing (Wales) Act 2014. In addition to these issues, the new plan focuses on advice and advocacy support, challenging discrimination and hate crime, improving the employability of individuals, promoting essential skills training, and other issues.
The new plan also includes the Roma community for the first time. Although we received mixed views about including this community in the plan, we felt that it was appropriate to do so, whilst emphasising the important distinctions between the communities. Roma and Romani Gypsies regularly get confused in media reporting, but they often have different cultures, language, accommodation preferences and religion, and are diverse in other ways as well. However, these groups are united by a common ancestry and both experience engrained stereotypes and discrimination. Both groups are marginalised within our society and experience barriers to fulfilling their true potential.
In developing the actions, we have sought to prevent the most harmful problems experienced by Gypsies, Roma and Travellers. These include homelessness, poor health, poor accommodation and hate crime. We have already made encouraging progress in some of these areas, but there is much work still to be done to improve outcomes. The plan forms an important part of a long-term aim to ensure that our communities can achieve equal opportunities and fulfil their potential. The plan is also a statement of our continuing focus on fostering good relations between these groups and wider society. We are currently within Gypsy, Roma and Traveller History Month, and I want to recognise the achievements of our communities and their continuing positive contributions to Welsh society. They are, and will remain, welcome in Wales.
In this document, we set out what the Welsh Government will do to provide better community cohesion and equal opportunities, but there are many other organisations and individuals who can also play a role in this. For example, we will encourage the media to undertake more balanced reporting that promotes understanding. We will also encourage local authorities to be proportionate in their decision making in relation to resolving unauthorised encampments. Public bodies, decision makers and opinion shapers all need to be mindful of their responsibilities with regard to Gypsies, Roma and Travellers. Discrimination against these communities is often considered to be the last acceptable form of racism, and we must challenge this wherever we identify it.
Finally, I want to make it clear that this plan is not about the Welsh Government seeking to make special arrangements to support our communities. Instead, the plan and actions within are about ensuring our society is inclusive of everyone to enable a diversity of culture and perspectives to thrive. A Wales that values and supports our minority communities to participate equally—especially those who have been part of our society for almost 500 years—will be stronger as a result. We all have a responsibility to work together to eliminate all forms of discrimination, and so I look forward to working with you to ensure this new plan is a success. Diolch.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Dirprwy Lywydd. Heddiw rydym yn cyhoeddi ein cynllun 'Galluogi Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr', sy'n nodi ein hymrwymiadau i wella cyfle cyfartal a chau'r bylchau mewn canlyniadau a brofir gan yr holl bobl a gaiff eu cwmpasu gan ein cynllun. Mae'r cynllun yn ceisio dangos ehangder y camau gweithredu y mae'r Llywodraeth hon yn eu cymryd i alluogi unigolion yn ein cymunedau i gyflawni eu potensial a chymryd rhan mewn bywyd cymunedol.
Yr enw yr ydym ni wedi'i roi ar ein cynllun newydd yw 'Galluogi Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr' i gydnabod dwy thema allweddol. Yn gyntaf, mae Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr yn aml yn meddu ar sgiliau a phrofiadau datblygedig, safbwyntiau unigryw a gwerthfawr a moeseg entrepreneuraidd gref. Nid yw ein systemau a'n prosesau bob amser mor gynhwysol ag y byddem yn ei hoffi, gan arwain at fethiant i wireddu potensial unigolion a'r gymdeithas yn ei chyfanrwydd. Rydym yn dymuno sicrhau ein bod ni'n galluogi pawb yn ein cymunedau i gyflawni eu potensial drwy brosesau mwy cynhwysol a gwell dealltwriaeth o gyfleoedd. Yn ail, roeddem yn dymuno adlewyrchu'r amrywiaeth o ddiwylliannau a grwpiau ethnig o fewn y grŵp o unigolion y gallai bod Llywodraethau eraill efallai yn eu rhoi nhw i gyd i dan y faner 'teithwyr'. Gall y term hwn gynnwys llawer o grwpiau gwahanol, ac rydym yn cydnabod y gall fod yna wahaniaethau diwylliannol dwys rhwng rhai unigolion. Mae'r grwpiau hyn yn cynnwys Sipsiwn Romani, Teithwyr Gwyddelig, Roma neu Deithwyr Newydd. Mae'r amrywiaeth hon yn bwysig i aelodau'r gymuned ac roedd yn bwysig adlewyrchu hyn yn ein cynllun. Er gwaethaf y gwahaniaethau hyn, mae grwpiau yn aml yn profi problemau tebyg megis gwahaniaethu, ymyleiddio, iechyd neu ganlyniadau addysgol gwaeth ac angen am well cyngor a chymorth eiriolaeth. Dywedwyd yn enwog gan y diweddar Arlywydd Tsiec, Václav Havel, bod y driniaeth o Sipsiwn yn brawf litmws ar gyfer cymdeithas sifil. Mae'n rhaid inni sicrhau y cyflawnwn ein hymrwymiad i Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr os ydym i fod yn gymdeithas deg a chyfiawn.
Mae'r cynllun hwn yn disodli fframwaith gweithredu a chynllun cyflenwi 'Teithio at Ddyfodol Gwell', a gyhoeddwyd yn wreiddiol yn 2011. 'Teithio at Ddyfodol Gwell' oedd strategaeth gyntaf y DU wedi'u hanelu'n benodol at wella'r canlyniadau a brofir gan Sipsiwn a Theithwyr. Wrth inni gyhoeddi ein cynllun newydd, ni yw'r unig genedl yn y DU sydd â chynllun pwrpasol i gefnogi ein cymunedau. Ers 2011, rydym wedi gwneud cynnydd da mewn nifer o ardaloedd, ond mae llawer eto i'w wneud. Rydym wedi deddfu i sicrhau bod gan drigolion safleoedd Sipsiwn a Theithwyr awdurdodau sicrwydd deiliadaeth ac i sicrhau bod awdurdodau lleol yn asesu yn iawn yr angen am safleoedd ychwanegol yn eu hardal. Rydym wedi buddsoddi tua £18 miliwn i ddatblygu ac adnewyddu safleoedd ac rydym wedi ymrwymo £20.3 miliwn yn ychwanegol erbyn diwedd 2021. Er ei fod yn arafach nag y byddem yn ei hoffi, mae cynnydd gwirioneddol yn cael ei wneud a byddwn yn parhau i fwrw ymlaen â hyn. Rhwng 2014 a 2021 rydym yn disgwyl y byddwn wedi ariannu mwy na 200 o leiniau newydd, o'i gymharu â dim ond llond llaw yn y cyfnod rhwng 1997 a 2014—cyflawniad mawr.
Mae gennym hefyd fwy o ddisgyblion o'r cefndiroedd hyn ar gofrestrau ysgolion nag erioed o'r blaen, sy'n hollbwysig er mwyn sicrhau y gall aelodau'r cymunedau gael mynediad at gyfleoedd drwy gydol eu bywydau a bod gwahaniaethu yn cael ei herio. Mae cyrhaeddiad addysgol yn dal i lusgo ar ôl grwpiau eraill ac mae mwy i'w wneud i sicrhau bod ysgolion a cholegau yn amgylcheddau cynhwysol a bod cymunedau'n gweld mantais addysg oedran uwchradd. Gwyddom fod Sipsiwn a Theithwyr hefyd yn profi canlyniadau iechyd gwaeth na grwpiau eraill, ac rydym yn gweithio i newid hyn. Dylai pob bwrdd iechyd fod yn cynnal asesiadau o anghenion iechyd y gymuned Sipsiwn a Theithwyr, i ddeall proffil iechyd eu cymunedau lleol yn well a thargedu ymyriadau yn briodol. Rydym hefyd yn cyflwyno categori iechyd ethnig Sipsiwn a Theithwyr i gasglu data GIG er mwyn ein galluogi i gael gwell dealltwriaeth o'r canlyniadau a brofir gan ein cymunedau dros amser.
Mae i ba raddau y mae safleoedd ar gael yn fater pwysig a all rwystro Sipsiwn a Theithwyr rhag cael gafael ar lety cynaliadwy, a chael effaith ar gydlyniant cymunedol. Heddiw, rydym hefyd yn cyhoeddi cylchlythyr cynllunio newydd, sy'n disodli ein cylchlythyrau blaenorol ar safleoedd Sipsiwn a Theithwyr. Mae'r cylchlythyr yn sicrhau bod yr ystyriaeth a roddir i safleoedd Sipsiwn a Theithwyr drwy'r system gynllunio yn adlewyrchu'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf am ddeddfwriaeth a chanllawiau ehangach Llywodraeth Cymru ar Sipsiwn a Theithwyr dros y blynyddoedd diwethaf, gan gynnwys darpariaethau yn Neddf Tai (Cymru) 2014. Yn ychwanegol at y materion hyn, mae'r cynllun newydd yn canolbwyntio ar gyngor a chefnogaeth eiriolaeth, herio gwahaniaethu a throseddau casineb, gwella cyflogadwyedd unigolion, hyrwyddo sgiliau hanfodol a hyfforddiant, a materion eraill.
Mae'r cynllun newydd hefyd yn cynnwys y gymuned Roma am y tro cyntaf. Er y cafwyd safbwyntiau cymysg ynglŷn â chynnwys y gymuned hon yn y cynllun, rydym yn teimlo ei bod yn briodol gwneud hynny, gan bwysleisio'r gwahaniaethau pwysig rhwng y cymunedau. Drysir rhwng Roma a Sipsiwn Romani yn rheolaidd mewn adroddiadau yn y cyfryngau, ond yn aml mae ganddynt wahanol ddiwylliannau, iaith, dewisiadau llety a chrefydd, ac maent yn wahanol i'w gilydd mewn ffyrdd eraill hefyd. Fodd bynnag, mae'r grwpiau hyn yn cael eu huno gan achau cyffredin ac mae'r ddau yn dioddef stereoteipio a gwahaniaethu. Mae'r ddau grŵp yn cael eu hymyleiddio yn ein cymdeithas ac yn wynebu rhwystrau i wireddu eu gwir botensial.
Wrth ddatblygu camau gweithredu, rydym wedi ceisio atal y problemau mwyaf niweidiol sy'n wynebu Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr. Mae'r rhain yn cynnwys digartrefedd, iechyd gwael, llety gwael a throseddau casineb. Rydym eisoes wedi gwneud cynnydd calonogol mewn rhai o'r meysydd hyn, ond mae llawer o waith i'w wneud i wella canlyniadau. Mae'r cynllun yn ffurfio rhan bwysig o'r nod tymor hir i sicrhau y gall ein cymunedau gyflawni cyfle cyfartal a gwireddu eu potensial. Mae'r cynllun hefyd yn ddatganiad o'n pwyslais parhaus ar feithrin cysylltiadau da rhwng y grwpiau hyn a'r gymdeithas ehangach. Ar hyn o bryd, mae'n fis hanes Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr, ac rwyf am gydnabod cyflawniadau ein cymunedau a'u cyfraniadau cadarnhaol parhaus at gymdeithas Cymru. Mae croeso iddynt yng Nghymru a bydd y croeso hwn yn parhau.
Yn y ddogfen hon, rydym yn esbonio beth fydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud i ddarparu cyfleoedd cyfartal a gwell cydlyniant cymunedol, ond mae llawer o sefydliadau ac unigolion eraill a all hefyd chwarae rhan yn hyn. Er enghraifft, byddwn yn annog y cyfryngau i gyflwyno adroddiadau mwy cytbwys sy'n hyrwyddo dealltwriaeth. Byddwn hefyd yn annog awdurdodau lleol i fod yn gymesur wrth wneud penderfyniadau am ddatrys gwersylloedd diawdurdod. Mae angen i gyrff cyhoeddus, y rhai sy'n gwneud penderfyniadau a llunwyr barn fod yn ymwybodol o'u cyfrifoldebau o ran Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr. Yn aml, ystyrir mai gwahaniaethu yn erbyn y cymunedau hyn yw'r ffurf dderbyniol olaf ar hiliaeth, ac mae'n rhaid inni herio hyn lle bynnag yr ydym yn ei weld.
Yn olaf, rwyf am ei gwneud yn glir nad yw'r cynllun hwn yn ymwneud â Llywodraeth Cymru yn ceisio gwneud trefniadau arbennig i gefnogi ein cymunedau. Yn hytrach, mae'r cynllun a'r camau gweithredu oddi mewn iddo yn ymwneud â sicrhau bod ein cymdeithas yn cynnwys pawb er mwyn i amrywiaeth o ddiwylliannau a safbwyntiau gael ffynnu. Bydd Cymru sy'n gwerthfawrogi ac yn cefnogi ein cymunedau lleiafrifol i gymryd rhan yn gyfartal—yn enwedig y rhai sydd wedi bod yn rhan o'n cymdeithas am bron i 500 mlynedd—yn gryfach o ganlyniad. Mae gan bob un ohonom gyfrifoldeb i weithio gyda'n gilydd i ddileu pob math o wahaniaethu, ac felly rwy'n edrych ymlaen at weithio gyda chi i sicrhau bod y cynllun newydd hwn yn llwyddiant. Diolch.
As I said here in January, everyone will be disadvantaged until we identify and meet the accommodation needs of Gypsies, Travellers and Roma, enabling the provision of authorised residential and transit sites. It can't be acceptable that, according to the 2011 census, 62 per cent of Gypsies, Roma and Travellers in Wales have no qualifications, 51 per cent in England and Wales were in employment compared to 73 per cent overall, and just 70 per cent described themselves as being in good health, compared with 81 per cent in England and Wales overall.
In your statement, you rightly say we want to reflect the diversity of cultures and ethnicities. What consideration, looking back, have you given to the 2006 Pat Niner report on the accommodation needs of Gypsies and Travellers in Wales, commissioned by the then Welsh Government? I think Jane Hutt launched it, as I recall, in Llandrindod Wells, and I was the only AM present to watch her do it. But in addition to many of the issues you highlight, they identified that those diverse communities also travelled over specified geographical areas that didn't match the borders that the rest of us live by, whether those were county borders or national borders. So, what consideration have you given as you go forward to developing an approach with the communities themselves and the different authorities across those borders, so that they may collectively agree and deliver on the needs of communities, who, by definition, are moving around across that area?
You refer to more pupils from these backgrounds being on the school roll than ever before. I think before I've raised with you the concern that was raised in Flintshire over John Summers High School, when the local Gypsy/Traveller community stated that their views had not been reflected in the consultation document that led to the closure of the school, where the school had almost uniquely in the region developed trust with the community. They became part of the same wider community. The children came to school, were passing exams, doing well, achieving, but the community themselves stated that that could be compromised, or would be compromised if the school closed, which it did. Going forward, possibly in discussion with your colleague the education Secretary, what consideration are you giving to introduce or implement measures to prevent that happening again and ensure that the community have a central voice where they might be impacted in such a critical way?
In 2017 we know the Welsh Government launched the 'Enabling Gypsies, Roma and Travellers' consultation. How do you respond to the statement by respondents to that, that the plan was too broad with not enough actions able to evidence how they would be realistically achieved, with one respondent saying the plan was not new but a collection of actions from other existing plans, to the Tros Gynnal Plant consultation, where respondents said that while a new plan was a good idea, they were still to be convinced whether such strategies would actually make a difference to their everyday lives, and the launch of the 'Travelling to Better Health' document in 2017 to increase confidence in the health system, where respondents in one local health board were found to have received discriminatory treatment, including being unable to secure an on-call appointment with their GP, and midwives not visiting a site for antenatal check-ups?
Obviously, you're very familiar with the situation in Bangor Back Lane in Conwy, which we both visited, and your intervention has helped them take forward action on the sound mitigation fence. But they have also subsequently written to your colleague the economy and transport Secretary regarding the road surface, where they understand that this may not be completed until as late as October 2022. In consequence, because they believe promises by the council at the time when the Welsh Government funding was provided have been breached, they are suffering physically and mentally from the noise and stress, receiving in-patient hospital treatment in certain cases. And they've written to the Cabinet Secretary seeking a detailed plan of action from the Welsh Government to resolve the matter to the residents' satisfaction. I don't know whether you're familiar with that, but if you are, I wonder if you could update me; if you're not, I'd be grateful if you could pursue that.
And the final point I wanted to raise—it's something that was highlighted—and I'll give an example in Flintshire, although it's not unique to Flintshire. In 2011, obligations to meet the need for Gypsy and Traveller accommodation sites led to the granting of temporary planning permission for five years for a site because of assurances made to the planning inspector by the council that within such a period, the need would be met by Flintshire. But because it wasn't, Flintshire granted further temporary permission for five years, even though it's widely recognised that the site isn't suitable for a permanent site, then, subsequently, the granting of temporary planning permission was quashed in court because Flintshire had failed to fulfil its responsibility to deliver an alternative provision in accordance with the legislation. So, in such circumstances, what powers does the Welsh Government have to intervene? I don't know whether you can comment on this individual case, but how can you influence the situation when something appears to have gone so wrong that it's ended up in court twice for determination?
Fel y dywedais yn y fan yma ym mis Ionawr, bydd pawb ar eu colled hyd nes inni nodi a diwallu anghenion llety Sipsiwn, Teithwyr a Roma, gan alluogi darpariaeth safleoedd preswyl a thramwy awdurdodedig. Ni all fod yn dderbyniol fod, yn ôl Cyfrifiad 2011, 62 y cant o Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr yng Nghymru heb unrhyw gymwysterau, fod 51 y cant yng Nghymru a Lloegr mewn cyflogaeth o'i gymharu â 73 y cant yn gyffredinol, ac nad oes ond 70 y cant ohonynt yn disgrifio eu hunain fel bod mewn iechyd da, o'i gymharu â 81 y cant yng Nghymru a Lloegr yn gyffredinol.
Yn eich datganiad, rydych yn iawn i ddweud ein bod ni'n dymuno adlewyrchu'r amrywiaeth o ddiwylliannau ac ethnigrwydd. Pa ystyriaeth, wrth edrych yn ôl, ydych chi wedi'i rhoi i adroddiad 2006 Pat Niner ar anghenion llety Sipsiwn a Theithwyr yng Nghymru, a gomisiynwyd gan Lywodraeth Cymru? Credaf mai Jane Hutt wnaeth ei lansio, fel y cofiaf, yn Llandrindod, a fi oedd yr unig AC a oedd yn bresennol i'w gwylio yn gwneud hynny. Ond yn ogystal â llawer o'r materion a amlygir gennych, roeddent yn nodi hefyd fod y cymunedau amrywiol hynny yn teithio dros ardaloedd daearyddol penodedig nad oeddent yn cyfateb i ffiniau y mae'r gweddill ohonom yn byw yn eu hôl, boed y rheini'n ffiniau sirol neu'n ffiniau cenedlaethol. Felly, pa ystyriaeth a roesoch wrth i chi ddatblygu dull gweithredu gyda'r cymunedau eu hunain a'r gwahanol awdurdodau ar draws y ffiniau, er mwyn iddynt allu cytuno a chyflawni anghenion y cymunedau ar y cyd, sydd, drwy ddiffiniad, yn symud o gwmpas yr ardal honno?
Rydych yn cyfeirio at fwy o ddisgyblion o'r cefndiroedd hyn ar gofrestrau ysgolion nag erioed o'r blaen. Rwy'n meddwl fy mod i wedi codi gyda chi o'r blaen y pryder a godwyd dros ysgol uwchradd John Summers yn Sir y Fflint, pan nododd y gymuned Sipsiwn a Theithwyr lleol nad oedd eu barn wedi cael ei hadlewyrchu yn y ddogfen ymgynghori a arweiniodd at gau'r ysgol, ac yn yr achos hwnnw, hi oedd yr unig ysgol bron yn y rhanbarth a oedd wedi datblygu ymddiriedaeth gyda'r gymuned honno. Daethant yn rhan o'r un gymuned ehangach. Roedd y plant yn dod i'r ysgol, yn llwyddo yn eu harholiadau, yn gwneud yn dda, yn cyflawni, a dywedodd y gymuned eu hunain y gallai hynny gael ei beryglu, y byddai hynny'n cael ei beryglu pe byddai'r ysgol yn cau, a chau y gwnaeth. Yn y dyfodol, o bosibl mewn trafodaeth â'ch cyd-weithiwr yr Ysgrifennydd addysg, pa ystyriaeth ydych chi'n mynd i'w rhoi i gyflwyno neu weithredu mesurau i atal hyn rhag digwydd eto a sicrhau bod y gymuned yn cael llais canolog pryd y gellir effeithio arnynt mewn ffordd mor gritigol?
Yn 2017, gwyddom fod Llywodraeth Cymru wedi lansio ymgynghoriad 'Galluogi Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr'. Sut ydych chi'n ymateb i'r datganiad gan rai a ymatebodd i hwnnw, yn dweud bod y cynllun yn rhy eang, heb ddigon o gamau yn gallu dangos tystiolaeth o sut y gellid eu cyflawni yn realistig, gydag un ymatebydd yn dweud nad oedd y cynllun yn newydd ond yn gasgliad o gamau gweithredu o gynlluniau eraill sydd eisoes yn bodoli, i ymgynghoriad Tros Gynnal Plant, pan ddywedodd ymatebwyr fod y cynllun newydd yn syniad da, ond eu bod dal heb eu hargyhoeddi y byddai strategaethau o'r fath mewn gwirionedd yn gwneud gwahaniaeth i'w bywydau bob dydd, a lansio dogfen 'Teithio at Iechyd Gwell' yn 2017 i gynyddu hyder yn y system iechyd, pan ganfuwyd bod ymatebwyr mewn un bwrdd iechyd lleol wedi derbyn triniaeth wahaniaethol, gan gynnwys methu â sicrhau apwyntiad ar alwad â'u meddyg teulu, a bydwragedd yn peidio ag ymweld â safle ar gyfer archwiliadau cynenedigol?
Yn amlwg, rydych chi'n gyfarwydd iawn â sefyllfa Bangor Back Lane yng Nghonwy, y mae'r ddau ohonom wedi ymweld â hi, ac mae eich ymyriad wedi eu helpu i gymryd camau ar y ffens lliniaru sŵn. Ond maen nhw wedyn hefyd wedi ysgrifennu at eich cyd-weithiwr, yr Ysgrifennydd economi a thrafnidiaeth, ynghylch wyneb y ffordd. Maent yn deall efallai na fydd hyn yn cael ei gwblhau tan mor hwyr â mis Hydref 2022. O ganlyniad, oherwydd eu bod yn credu bod y Cyngor wedi torri addewidion ar adeg pan ddarparwyd cyllid gan Lywodraeth Cymru, maent yn dioddef yn gorfforol ac yn feddyliol gan sŵn a straen, gan gael triniaeth ysbyty fel cleifion mewnol mewn rhai achosion. Ac maent wedi ysgrifennu at Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn ceisio cynllun manwl o'r camau gweithredu gan Lywodraeth Cymru i ddatrys y mater er boddhad y trigolion. Dwi ddim yn gwybod p'un a ydych chi'n ymwybodol o hynny ai peidio, ond os ydych, tybed a allech roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf imi; os nad ydych chi, byddwn yn ddiolchgar pe gallech fynd ar drywydd hynny.
A'r pwynt olaf yr oeddwn i am ei godi—mae'n rhywbeth sydd wedi cael sylw—a byddaf yn rhoi enghraifft yn Sir y Fflint, er nad yw'n unigryw i Sir y Fflint. Yn 2011, yn sgil rhwymedigaethau i ddiwallu'r angen am safleoedd llety Sipsiwn a Theithwyr, rhoddwyd caniatâd cynllunio dros dro am bum mlynedd ar gyfer safle, oherwydd sicrwydd a roddwyd i'r arolygydd cynllunio gan Gyngor Sir y Fflint, y byddai, o fewn cyfnod hwnnw, yn diwallu'r angen hwnnw am lety. Ond oherwydd na chafodd yr angen ei ddiwallu, rhoddodd Sir y Fflint ganiatâd dros dro eto am bum mlynedd arall, er y cydnabyddir yn eang nad yw'r safle yn addas i fod yn safle parhaol, yna, wedyn, cafodd y caniatâd cynllunio dros dro ei ddiddymu yn y llys oherwydd bod Sir y Fflint wedi methu â chyflawni ei chyfrifoldeb i ddarparu darpariaeth amgen yn unol â'r ddeddfwriaeth. Felly, mewn amgylchiadau o'r fath, pa bwerau sydd gan Lywodraeth Cymru i ymyrryd? Wn i ddim a allwch chi wneud sylw ar yr achos unigol hwn, ond sut y gallwch chi ddylanwadu ar y sefyllfa pan mae'n ymddangos bod rhywbeth wedi mynd o'i le cymaint hyd nes iddynt orfod mynd at y llys am benderfyniad, a hynny ddwywaith?
Well, yes, thank you for that series of remarks; I'll do my best to cover them off. In terms of the powers of the Welsh Government, we don't have intervention powers in that way, but I know that Mark Isherwood is aware that I'm visiting every local authority and site around Wales, and I've already had one discussion with Flintshire. What we seek to do is develop a plan together to make sure that sites are brought forward that we can help fund through our capital grant programme and so on. So, we're very much in conversation, but we don't have a direct power to direct them, for example. And I'm not speaking particularly of that authority, but any authority. So, we very much work with the local authorities to identify suitable sites, and that leads me on to the point about a network of transit sites. We very much want to see the development of a network of transit sites across Wales by 2021. We've got five areas identified with a need for transit sites and we are keen to see these developed to support the Gypsy and Traveller way of life, whilst avoiding inappropriate encampments. The Member is quite right—we know what the geographical travelling arrangements are and we're working with the authorities along the affected routes to make sure that we can get the best outcome for that, and we are planning discussions across the border, because, of course, many families cross between England and Wales, and, indeed, some families move up to Scotland and across to Ireland as well. So, we are very much aware of the need to develop the transit-site system.
We've just responded to a consultation from the UK Government on a review of unauthorised camping legislation. I was a little dismayed by the tone of that, I have to say, but we're awaiting the outcome of that consultation before reconsidering whether our managing unauthorised camping guidance is still fit for purpose, and we'll be looking to reissue that, with a view, as I say, to facilitate a way of life whilst making sure that inappropriate encampments, which can be harmful for the occupiers and the surroundings, are not tolerated. But it's not the case for all encampments, and where transit sites are created, it's not always proportionate or necessary to relocate other encampments, so we want to develop a system that enables proper consideration of the rights of all members of the community and ensures that encampments can be resolved with common humanity and consistency. So, as I say, Deputy Presiding Officer, I was a little concerned about the tone of the recent UK consultation, but we have responded in that vein. I know the Member takes a very keen interest in that.
We've also been very aware of the education arrangements. We're looking to make sure that local authorities, in considering their duties, do take issues of that sort into account, ultimately. School closure issues are a matter for the local authority, but the guidance does include an emphasis on both NHS and education arrangements. What we're looking for is flexibility of arrangements, because with a travelling lifestyle, obviously you might need to attend a number of different establishments, as well as for those who are in more settled pitches. So, there are a range of outcomes that we're looking for in that regard.
In terms of the Back Bangor Lane, I did indeed visit the site, and I know the Member is aware of that. I am aware of the issue around the road resurfacing and I'm in conversation with the Cabinet Secretary about what can be done—it's a very complicated area, as I know the Member knows—to make sure that we get the speediest possible response to the road-noise issue that he highlights.
Wel, ie, diolch i chi am y gyfres honno o sylwadau; byddaf yn gwneud fy ngorau i ymdrin â hwy. O ran pwerau Llywodraeth Cymru, nid oes gennym bwerau i ymyrryd yn y ffordd honno, ond gwn fod Mark Isherwood yn ymwybodol fy mod yn ymweld â phob awdurdod lleol a safle o amgylch Cymru, ac rwyf eisoes wedi cael un drafodaeth â Sir y Fflint. Yr hyn yr ydym yn ceisio'i wneud yw datblygu cynllun gyda'n gilydd i wneud yn siŵr bod safleoedd yn cael eu datblygu y gallwn ni helpu i'w hariannu, trwy ein rhaglen grant cyfalaf ac ati. Felly, rydym yn cynnal sgwrs, ond nid oes gennym ni bŵer uniongyrchol i'w cyfarwyddo, er enghraifft. Ac nid wyf yn siarad yn benodol am yr awdurdod hwnnw, ond unrhyw awdurdod. Felly, rydym yn gweithio llawer gydag awdurdodau lleol i nodi safleoedd addas, ac mae hynny'n fy arwain i at y pwynt am rwydwaith o safleoedd tramwy. Rydym yn awyddus iawn i weld rhwydwaith o safleoedd tramwy yn datblygu ledled Cymru erbyn 2021. Mae gennym bum ardal a nodwyd ag angen am safleoedd tramwy ac rydym yn awyddus i weld y rhain yn cael eu datblygu i gefnogi ffordd o fyw Sipsiwn a Theithwyr, gan osgoi gwersylloedd amhriodol. Mae'r Aelod yn llygad ei le—rydym yn gwybod beth yw'r trefniadau teithio daearyddol ac rydym yn gweithio gyda'r awdurdodau ar hyd y ffyrdd dan sylw i wneud yn siŵr y gallwn gael y canlyniad gorau ar gyfer hynny, ac rydym yn cynllunio trafodaethau ar draws y ffin, oherwydd, wrth gwrs, mae llawer o deuluoedd yn croesi rhwng Cymru a Lloegr, ac, yn wir, mae rhai teuluoedd yn symud i fyny i'r Alban ac ar draws i Iwerddon hefyd. Felly, rydym yn ymwybodol iawn o'r angen i ddatblygu system safle tramwy.
Rydym newydd ymateb i ymgynghoriad gan Lywodraeth y DU ar adolygiad o ddeddfwriaeth gwersylla diawdurdod. Roeddwn ychydig yn siomedig â chywair yr ymgynghoriad hwnnw, mae'n rhaid imi ddweud, ond rydym yn disgwyl canlyniad yr ymgynghoriad hwnnw cyn ailystyried a yw ein canllawiau rheoli ar wersylla anawdurdodedig yn dal yn addas at eu diben, a byddwn yn edrych i ailgyhoeddi hwnnw, gyda golwg, fel y dywedaf, ar hwyluso ffordd o fyw gan wneud yn siŵr nad yw gwersylloedd amhriodol, a allai fod yn niweidiol i feddianwyr a'r amgylchoedd, yn cael eu goddef. Ond nid yw hynny'n wir am bob gwersyll, a lle mae safleoedd tramwy yn cael eu creu, nid yw bob amser yn gymesur neu'n angenrheidiol i adleoli gwersylloedd eraill, felly rydym am ddatblygu system sy'n galluogi ystyriaeth briodol o hawliau pob aelod o'r gymuned ac yn sicrhau y gellir datrys materion yn ymwneud â gwersylloedd gyda dyngarwch cyffredin a chysondeb. Felly, fel y dywedaf, Dirprwy Lywydd, roeddwn ychydig yn bryderus am gywair ymgynghoriad diweddar y DU, ond rydym wedi ymateb i ddweud hyn. Gwn fod gan yr Aelod ddiddordeb brwd iawn yn hynny.
Rydym hefyd wedi bod yn ymwybodol iawn o'r trefniadau addysg. Rydym yn edrych i wneud yn siŵr bod awdurdodau lleol, wrth ystyried eu dyletswyddau, yn ystyried materion o'r fath, yn y pen draw. Mae cau ysgolion yn fater i'r awdurdod lleol, ond mae'r canllawiau yn cynnwys pwyslais ar drefniadau GIG ac addysg. Yr hyn yr ydym ni'n chwilio amdano yw hyblygrwydd yn y trefniadau, oherwydd gyda ffordd deithiol o fyw, yn amlwg efallai y bydd angen i chi fynychu nifer o wahanol sefydliadau, yn hyblygrwydd hefyd ar gyfer y rhai sydd yn byw ar leiniau mwy sefydledig. Felly, mae amrywiaeth o ganlyniadau yr ydym yn gobeithio eu cael yn hynny o beth.
O ran Back Bangor Lane, do'n wir fe wnes i ymweld â'r safle, a gwn fod yr Aelod yn ymwybodol o hynny. Rwy'n ymwybodol o'r mater yn ymwneud ag wyneb newydd ar y ffordd ac rwy'n siarad ag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ynghylch beth y gellir ei wneud am hynny—mae'n faes cymhleth iawn, fel y gwn y mae'r Aelod yn gwybod—i wneud yn siŵr y cawn yr ymateb cyflymaf posibl i’r sŵn ffyrdd y mae'n tynnu sylw ato.
Diolch am y datganiad. Rydw i wedi cael cipolwg sydyn ar y cynllun 'Galluogi Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr', ac rydw i yn eich llongyfarch chi ar rai agweddau o'r cynllun, gan ei fod o yn cynnwys gweithredu penodol ac amserlenni, yn enwedig o ran darparu safleoedd. Yn amlwg, mae yna gynnydd wedi'i wneud yn y maes hwnnw. Yn y cynllun, rydych chi'n dweud hyn:
'rydym wedi gyrru ymlaen gan roi mwy o ffocws ar ddarparu safleoedd ar gyfer Sipsiwn a Theithwyr. Mae hyn yn adlewyrchu dealltwriaeth fod llawer o broblemau eraill a brofir gan gymunedau Sipsiwn a Theithwyr yn codi o ddiffyg mynediad at lety priodol'.
Rydw i'n cytuno'n llwyr efo chi yn hynny o beth. Mae yna dystiolaeth bod awdurdodau lleol wedi ymateb i'r her o greu lleiniau newydd a hefyd wedi adnabod safleoedd yn eu cynlluniau datblygu lleol—dim gwaith hawdd, wrth gwrs, yn rhannol yn sgil agweddau a rhagfarnau cyhoeddus, ac mae'r cynghorau i'w llongyfarch, ar y cyfan, ar eu hymdrechion.
Buaswn i'n licio cael eich barn chi am bwysigrwydd dylunio'r lleiniau a'r safleoedd yma yn briodol. A ydych chi'n cytuno efo fi fod angen gwneud hynny mewn ffordd fwriadus, ar y cyd efo'r gymuned, er mwyn ymateb i rai o'r prif heriau sy'n wynebu'r gymuned? Rydw i'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig bod buddsoddiad digonol yn cael ei ddarparu ar gyfer creu'r llefydd newydd, gan y gall hynny fod yn fwy cost-effeithiol yn y pen draw, gan arbed arian i wasanaethau cyhoeddus.
Felly, wrth ystyried safleoedd newydd, a hefyd uwchraddio safleoedd, mae'n bwysig rhoi ystyriaeth i'r dylunio, achos, er enghraifft, mae dylunio bwriadus yn gallu mynd i'r afael efo problemau iechyd gwael ymhlith y gymuned yma. Mae'r gymdeithas yma, fel y gwyddoch chi, bum gwaith mwy tebygol o ddatblygu problemau iechyd o'i chymharu â'r gymdeithas yn gyffredinol. Ond efallai mai prin ydy'r dystiolaeth bod cyfleusterau ar y safleoedd yn cael eu dylunio fel bod modd, er enghraifft, cynnal clinigau ar y safleoedd eu hunain, a byddai hynny, o gael llefydd addas ar gyfer ymweliadau gan weithwyr iechyd, yn gallu gwneud byd o wahaniaeth i gynnal brechiadau ar gyfer babanod—un enghraifft, mewn ffordd, o beth fyddai'n gallu digwydd mewn clinig ar safle, a hefyd o ran cyfleusterau addysg, yn enwedig ar rai o'r safleoedd mwy.
Mae eich cynllun chi yn dweud bod angen sicrhau bod pob safle presennol yn gwbl addas i’r pwrpas. Buaswn i'n dadlau, felly, fod angen uwchraddio llawer o'r safleoedd presennol. Yn fy mhrofiad i o ymweld ag un neu ddau o safleoedd parhaol, mae'r cyfleusterau ymhell o fod yn addas. Yn aml, mae'r lleiniau yn rhy agos at ei gilydd, nid ydy'r cyfleusterau ymolchi a'r toiledau yn ddigonol nac yn safonol, ac nid oes llecynnau chwarae addas ar gyfer y plant.
Felly, mae'n amlwg bod llawer o'r ffocws wedi bod, cyn belled, ar greu llety addas, ac mae hynny'n hanfodol, wrth gwrs, ond rydw i hefyd yn credu bod angen, rŵan, symud ymlaen i roi sylw i rai o'r prif broblemau: cyflogaeth a sgiliau, iechyd ac addysg. Ac efallai nad ydy'r cynllun mor glir nac mor uchelgeisiol ac y gallai o fod yn y meysydd hynny.
O ran cyflogaeth a sgiliau, mae sôn bod angen i gynlluniau presennol y Llywodraeth gynnig gwasanaethau i'r gymuned Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr, ond rhaid cofio bod y gymuned hon yn wynebu rhwystrau gwahanol i drwch y boblogaeth, ac efallai bod angen cynlluniau wedi eu teilwra yn fwy penodol ar eu cyfer nhw.
O ran addysg, rydw i'n sylwi yn y cynllun nad oes yna set o weithredoedd penodol er mwyn cynyddu cyflawniad y plant a'r bobl ifanc. Mae yna weithredoedd ynglŷn â thaclo bwlian a dysgu Saesneg, sydd, wrth gwrs, yn bwysig, ond mae angen pwyslais ar godi disgwyliadau a gwell cyflawniad hefyd, efallai yn enwedig ymhlith y merched yn y gymuned yma. Felly, tra fy mod i'n eich llongyfarch chi ar rai agweddau o'r cynllunio, a gaf i ofyn cwestiwn fel hyn ar y diwedd: a ydych chi'n cytuno, wrth symud ymlaen, fod angen mwy o waith a mwy o uchelgais ar y rhannau o'r cynllun sydd yn delio efo addysg, iechyd, cyflogaeth a sgiliau, ac y dylid gosod mwy o bwyslais ar yr agweddau yma i'r dyfodol?
Thank you for the statement. I have had a quick glimpse at the 'Enabling Gypsies, Roma and Travellers' plan, and I do congratulate you on certain aspects of the plan, because it does include specific actions and timetables, particularly in terms of providing sites. Clearly, some progress has been made in that area. In the plan you say this:
'we have driven forward a greater focus on Gypsy and Traveller site provision. This reflects an understanding that many of the other issues experienced by Gypsy and Traveller communities arise from, or are exacerbated by, the lack of access to appropriate accommodation.'
I agree entirely with you on that. There is evidence that local authorities have responded to the challenge of creating new sites and have also identified sites in their LDPs. It’s not easy, of course, partly because of some public attitudes and prejudices, and councils are to be congratulated, generally speaking, on their efforts.
I would like your views on the importance of designing these sites appropriately. Do you agree with me that we need to do that in a meaningful way, jointly with the community, in order to respond to some of the main challenges facing that community? I think it’s important that sufficient investment is provided for creating these sites, because that can be more cost-effective and can save money for public services ultimately.
So, in considering new sites and upgrading existing sites, it is important that we give some consideration to design, because, for example, design can tackle some health problems among this community. This community is five times more likely to develop health problems as compared to wider society, but the evidence may be few and far between in terms of the facilities on these sites being designed so that it would be possible to hold clinics on site. Having appropriate accommodation for visits from health professionals could make a world of difference in providing vaccinations for very young children—just one example of something that can happen in an on-site clinic, and also in terms of education facilities, particularly on some of the larger sites.
Your plan states that we need to ensure that every current site is fit for purpose. I would argue, therefore, that we need to upgrade many of those current sites. In my experience of visiting a few permanent sites, the facilities are a long way from being appropriate. Very often, the accommodation is far too close together, the washing facilities aren’t up to standards, and there aren’t appropriate play areas for children.
So, it’s clear that there’s been a great deal of focus to date on creating appropriate accommodation, and that’s crucial, of course, but I also believe that we now need to move forward to address some of the main problems: employment and skills, health and education. And perhaps the plan isn’t as clear or as ambitious as it could be in those areas.
In terms of employment and skills, there’s talk that the Government's current plans need to provide services to the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller community, but we must remember that this community faces different challenges, and we may need more tailored plans for them.
In terms of education, I note in the plan that there isn’t a set of specific actions in order to enhance the achievements of these children and young people. There is talk of tackling bullying and learning English, which, of course, is important, but we need an emphasis on raising expectations and better attainment too, particularly among girls in this community. So, while I congratulate you on certain aspects of this plan, may I ask a question at the end here? Do you agree, in moving forward, that we need more work and more ambition on the parts of the plan that deal with education, health, employment and skills, and that we should place more focus on those aspects for the future?
Siân Gwenllian accurately captures the complexity of some of the issues that the community faces, and there is an emphasis on good sites, housing, transit sites and maintaining a way of life, whilst also giving people the essential decencies of human life. I just want to emphasise, Deputy Presiding Officer, that our capital grants are available to upgrade older sites with smaller amenity blocks, for example. I also want to say a huge thank you to all of the members of families from this community who have welcomed me absolutely with open arms and with the most amazing hospitality into their homes to discuss some of these issues. The new amenity blocks are much bigger, they often have day rooms and so on associated with them, and so I just want to emphasise again, as we have done, to all local authorities, that upgrade money is available through the capital grants. We are, of course, in consultation with the communities about what they want and how that works, so that's very important indeed.
We also are ensuring that all the principles of equality and fairness remain central to the delivery of our other plans, which this complements, so I take Siân Gwenllian's point about employability and skills, for example, and some of the other issues that she raised. It'll be central to our new employability plan that we promote the consideration of the needs of all protected groups, and I'll be in discussion with my ministerial colleagues about how best to ensure that that's done, and also that we fund employability schemes specifically in communities that are experiencing particular levels of need, so that they're tailored in a particular way, because this community has very specific requirements. I'm also pleased that the new plan means that Business Wales will be able to support those communities to establish their own businesses, which is very often what they actually want.
I just want to emphasise two other things from Siân Gwenllian's contribution. I've had many conversations with young people as well across these sites, and the issue about play areas comes up. And, again, Deputy Presiding Officer, I'd like to emphasise to local authorities, who I know are aware, but it's worth restating, that capital grant can be used to upgrade such things as play facilities and so on. But we are also keen that we are not creating a completely separate set of amenities. So, where there is a suitable play area for a particular site nearby, we just want to ensure that there are safe access routes to that, safe access routes to schools and so on, so we're not making an isolated community either, unless there are no reasonable-to-reach play facilities.
I've also had it emphasised to me that, sometimes, we have unintended consequences from some of our other policies around safer routes to schools and so on, on which we're working very hard with the specific communities that have raised those issues, because we know that in a community that sometimes faces barriers, we need to make sure that all the barriers under our control are as low as possible to ensure continued participation in education and skills training and so on. So, it's a complex area, and we very much have the wishes and desires of the communities that we're seeking to assist at the centre of our plan.
Mae Siân Gwenllian yn cyfleu'n gywir gymhlethdod rhai o'r materion a wynebir gan y gymuned, a cheir pwyslais ar safleoedd da, llety, safleoedd tramwy a chynnal ffordd o fyw, gan hefyd gynnig y gweddusterau i bobl sy'n hanfodol ar gyfer bywyd dynol. Rwyf am bwysleisio, Dirprwy Lywydd, fod ein grantiau cyfalaf ar gael i uwchraddio safleoedd hŷn â blociau amwynderau llai, er enghraifft. Hefyd hoffwn ddweud diolch yn fawr i holl aelodau'r teuluoedd o'r gymuned hon sydd wedi fy nghroesawu i'w cartrefi â breichiau agored a'r lletygarwch mwyaf anhygoel i drafod rhai o'r materion hyn. Mae'r blociau amwynderau newydd yn fwy o lawer, yn aml mae ganddynt ystafelloedd dydd ac ati sy'n gysylltiedig â hwy, felly rwyf am bwysleisio unwaith eto, fel yr ydym wedi'i wneud, i bob awdurdod lleol, fod yr arian uwchraddio ar gael drwy grantiau cyfalaf. Rydym, wrth gwrs, yn ymgynghori â'r cymunedau ynglŷn â beth y maen nhw ei eisiau a sut y mae hynny'n gweithio, felly mae hynny'n bwysig iawn.
Hefyd rydym yn sicrhau bod holl egwyddorion cydraddoldeb a thegwch yn parhau i fod yn ganolog i gyflawniad ein cynlluniau eraill, y mae hwn yn eu hategu, felly derbyniaf bwynt Siân Gwenllian am gyflogadwyedd a sgiliau, er enghraifft, a rhai o'r materion eraill a godwyd ganddi. Fe fydd yn ganolog i'n cynllun cyflogadwyedd newydd ein bod yn hyrwyddo ystyriaeth o anghenion yr holl grwpiau gwarchodedig, a byddaf yn trafod â'm cyd-Weinidogion ynghylch y ffordd orau i sicrhau bod hynny wedi'i wneud, a hefyd ein bod yn ariannu cynlluniau cyflogadwyedd yn benodol mewn cymunedau sydd â lefelau penodol o angen, fel eu bod yn cael eu teilwra mewn ffordd benodol, oherwydd bod gan y gymuned hon ofynion penodol iawn. Rwyf hefyd yn falch bod y cynllun newydd yn golygu y bydd Busnes Cymru yn gallu cefnogi'r cymunedau hyn i sefydlu eu busnesau eu hunain, sef yn aml iawn yr hyn y maen nhw eisiau ei wneud mewn gwirionedd.
Rwyf am bwysleisio dau beth arall a gododd yng nghyfraniad Siân Gwenllian. Dwi wedi cael llawer o sgyrsiau gyda phobl ifanc hefyd ar y safleoedd hyn, ac mae'r mater o ardaloedd chwarae yn codi. Ac, unwaith eto, Dirprwy Lywydd, hoffwn bwysleisio i awdurdodau lleol, er fy mod yn gwybod eu bod yn ymwybodol, ond mae'n werth ei ailddatgan, y gellir defnyddio grant cyfalaf i uwchraddio pethau fel cyfleusterau chwarae ac ati. Ond rydym hefyd yn awyddus nad ydym yn creu set o amwynderau hollol ar wahân. Felly, pan mae ardal chwarae addas ar gyfer safle penodol gerllaw, rydym am sicrhau bod llwybrau mynediad diogel at yr ardal chwarae honno, a llwybrau mynediad diogel i ysgolion ac ati, fel nad ydym ni yn gwneud y cymunedau yn ynysig chwaith, oni bai bod diffyg cyfleusterau chwarae o fewn cyrraedd rhesymol.
Pwysleisiwyd i mi hefyd fod canlyniadau anfwriadol, weithiau, i rai o'n polisïau eraill ynghylch llwybrau mwy diogel i ysgolion ac ati, ac rydym yn gweithio'n galed iawn ar y materion gyda'r cymunedau dan sylw, oherwydd gwyddom, yn achos cymuned sy'n wynebu rhwystrau, fod angen inni weithiau wneud yn siŵr bod pob rhwystr y mae modd i ni ei reoli mor fach â phosibl, er mwyn sicrhau cyfranogiad parhaus mewn addysg a sgiliau a hyfforddiant ac ati. Felly, mae'n faes cymhleth, ac mae dymuniadau a dyheadau'r cymunedau yr ydym yn ceisio eu helpu wrth wraidd ein cynllun.
Thank you for your statement, leader of the house, and for the announcement of your new plan. I must say at the outset that I've always had a great deal of sympathy for the Traveller, Gypsy, Roma and other such communities—I think they've been treated very badly over the years. Successive Governments have made their way of life all but impossible, removing traditional sites, stripping away common land, and bringing them into conflict with the communities that they travel through and they want to settle temporarily in. So, I therefore welcome your efforts to support those communities and facilitate that way of life.
At the end of the day, we want to support people's individual choices—as long as they don't harm anybody else—and I think, you know, the support that you're trying to offer the Traveller and Gypsy community is commendable, particularly with the attempt to provide the camping sites for them, and winter stop-overs for show people, et cetera.
I'm also glad to see an intended emphasis on there being a person-centred approach. These communities may be distinct in general terms from others, but every community is made up of individuals with their own particular needs, so I'm really pleased to see Welsh Government recognising that.
I'm also happy to see Welsh Government talking about the integration of Gypsy, Roma and other Traveller communities. As I've said, the actions of Governments and local authorities over the years have served to divide those communities from others, and everything that can be done to integrate the two, to get these different communities talking to one another, co-operating with one another and understanding one another, is all to the good, so I welcome your objective of integration. But can you give us details of the work that will be done to foster relations between the Traveller communities and local people?
I note that the newest plan replaces one published in 2011. Can the leader of the house summarise the lessons learned from the implementation of the previous plan? What were the successes of that plan? What were the failures? And how are you building on that experience for this new plan, and what are you going to do going forward? The leader of the house says that progress has been slower than she'd like. Where do you think these impediments to progress are coming from? What measures are you taking, in conjunction with local authorities, educational establishments and the health service as well, to overcome those impediments and achieve the very laudable objectives of the last plan and this new one?
And then, turning to the educational chances of children from Traveller, Roma and Gypsy communities, I note that you admit—I think everybody would probably agree with you—that the performance of these children still lags behind others and that's not acceptable. It's very well noting this, but it's not a new problem, and it's been highlighted before. Promises have been made to address the problem, but what practical measures are you now going to be putting in place to encourage engagement with education and attendance at school, in particular for girls from Traveller and Roma communities? I mean, sometimes girls need additional help. Thank you.
Diolch ichi am eich datganiad, arweinydd y tŷ, ac am gyhoeddi eich cynllun newydd. Rhaid imi ddweud cyn dechrau fy mod bob amser wedi cael llawer iawn o gydymdeimlad â Theithwyr, Sipsiwn, Roma a chymunedau eraill o'r fath—credaf eu bod wedi eu trin yn wael iawn dros y blynyddoedd. Mae Llywodraethau olynol wedi gwneud eu ffordd o fyw yn amhosibl bron, drwy ddileu safleoedd traddodiadol, cael gwared ar dir comin, a'u dwyn i wrthdaro â'r cymunedau y maent yn teithio drwyddynt ac y maent am ymgartrefu dros dro ynddynt. Felly, rwy'n croesawu eich ymdrechion i gefnogi'r cymunedau hynny a hwyluso'r dull hwnnw o fyw.
Yn y pen draw, rydym yn dymuno cefnogi dewisiadau unigol pobl—cyn belled nad ydynt yn niweidio neb arall—ac rwy'n credu, wyddoch chi, fod y cymorth yr ydych chi'n ceisio ei gynnig i'r Teithwyr a Sipsiwn yn gymeradwy, yn enwedig yr ymgais i ddarparu safleoedd gwersylla ar eu cyfer, a mannau aros yn y gaeaf ar gyfer siewmyn ac ati.
Rwyf hefyd yn falch o weld pwyslais bwriadedig ar gael dull sy'n canolbwyntio ar unigolion. Efallai fod y cymunedau hyn ar wahân yn gyffredinol i eraill, ond mae pob cymuned yn cynnwys unigolion sydd â'u hanghenion penodol eu hunain, felly rwy'n falch iawn o weld Llywodraeth Cymru yn cydnabod hynny.
Rwyf hefyd yn falch o weld Llywodraeth Cymru yn sôn am integreiddio Sipsiwn, Roma a chymunedau Teithwyr eraill. Fel y dywedais, mae gweithredoedd Llywodraethau ac awdurdodau lleol dros y blynyddoedd wedi llwyddo i rannu'r cymunedau hynny oddi wrth eraill, ac mae popeth y gellir ei wneud i integreiddio'r ddau, i gael y cymunedau gwahanol hyn yn siarad â'i gilydd, yn cydweithredu â'i gilydd ac yn deall ei gilydd yn well i bawb, felly croesawaf eich amcan o integreiddio. Ond a allwch chi roi manylion am y gwaith a gaiff ei wneud i feithrin cysylltiadau rhwng y cymunedau Teithwyr a phobl leol?
Nodaf fod y cynllun mwyaf newydd yn disodli'r un a gyhoeddwyd yn 2011. A all arweinydd y tŷ grynhoi'r gwersi a ddysgwyd o weithredu'r cynllun blaenorol? Beth oedd llwyddiannau'r cynllun hwnnw? Beth oedd y methiannau? A sut ydych chi'n adeiladu ar y profiad hwnnw ar gyfer y cynllun newydd hwn, a beth ydych chi'n bwriadu ei wneud yn y dyfodol? Dywed arweinydd y tŷ y bu'r cynnydd yn arafach nag y byddai hi wedi'i ddymuno. O ble'r ydych chi'n meddwl y mae'r rhwystrau hyn i gynnydd yn dod? Pa fesurau ydych chi'n eu cymryd, ar y cyd ag awdurdodau lleol, sefydliadau addysg a'r gwasanaeth iechyd, i oresgyn y rhwystrau hynny a chyflawni'r amcanion clodwiw iawn o'r cynllun diwethaf a'r un newydd hwn?
Ac yna, gan droi at gyfleoedd addysgol plant o gymunedau Teithwyr, Roma a Sipsiwn, sylwaf eich bod yn cyfaddef—mae'n debyg y byddai pawb yn cytuno â chi—fod perfformiad y plant hyn yn dal i lusgo ar ôl plant eraill ac nid yw hynny'n dderbyniol. Un peth yw nodi hyn, ond nid yw'n broblem newydd, a thynnwyd sylw ati yn flaenorol. Gwnaed addewidion i roi sylw i'r broblem, ond pa fesurau ymarferol fyddwch chi'n eu rhoi ar waith yn awr i annog ymgysylltiad ag addysg a phresenoldeb yn yr ysgol, yn enwedig ar gyfer merched o gymunedau Teithwyr a Roma? Hynny yw, weithiau mae ar y merched angen help ychwanegol. Diolch.
Thank you very much for that. You're rightly highlighting some of the complexities of dealing with a range of people with different ways of life, different expectations and different outcomes that each particular community wants. I'll try and cover off some of those.
I should have said in response to Siân Gwenllian—Michelle Brown has just touched on it as well—that actually many of the communities want to develop their own sites, and so we've worked very hard with local authorities and planning departments to facilitate that, where at all possible. So, although there are local authority-provided sites, many members of the community want to develop their own sites, and we've worked very hard to ensure that.
You asked about some of the barriers, and I did mention the transit sites. There have been particular difficulties in developing transit sites because of local authority boundaries, which are particularly unhelpful in some areas. So, we're working very hard with a range of local authorities and, as Mark Isherwood pointed out, along a known cycle of transit to make sure that we can put that in place, but that has been slower than we would have liked. We're putting a renewed emphasis on some of that.
In terms of some of the other things, we're working very hard for inclusion and to develop different ways of working so that, if you have somebody with a travelling lifestyle, then you have to have flexible ways of ensuring that they stay connected. So, we're looking at all of the ways that we can do that, to ensure that we can accept swift enrolment in local schools, for example, or with GP practices, and we're working very hard on that.
Deputy Presiding Officer, I think it's extremely important as well, as Michelle Brown touched on it, just to say that we know that many Gypsy and Traveller people still experience a level of hate crime and other discrimination, which is completely unacceptable, and I just want to urge anyone affected by hate crime to report and seek support by contacting their local police on 101, or 999 if it's an emergency; and just to highlight that we fund Victim Support Cymru to provide emotional, practical and advocacy support for anyone affected by any one of those issues.
We also fund, as Michelle Brown asked, the Travelling Ahead project to provide support to Gypsy and Travellers under three separate themes, one of which is anti-discrimination. Travelling Ahead is the third-party reporting centre to support Gypsies and Travellers to build confidence to report crimes that they experience in this way. We also fund eight regional community cohesion co-ordinators across Wales, whose work plan includes consideration of Gypsy and Traveller communities, and they co-ordinate support for public understanding of issues around site development. They produce myth-busting materials and provide training to elected members in local authorities who are looking at plans to support Gypsy/Traveller communities.
Diolch yn fawr iawn ichi am hynny. Rydych chi wedi amlygu rhai o'r cymhlethdodau o ran ymdrin ag amrywiaeth o bobl sydd â gwahanol ffyrdd o fyw, disgwyliadau gwahanol a chanlyniadau gwahanol y mae pob cymuned benodol yn dymuno eu cael. Byddaf yn ceisio ymdrin â rhai o'r rheini.
Dylwn fod wedi dweud mewn ymateb i Siân Gwenllian—mae Michelle Brown wedi cyffwrdd â'r peth hefyd—fod llawer o'r cymunedau hyn mewn gwirionedd yn dymuno datblygu eu safleoedd eu hunain, ac felly rydym wedi gweithio'n galed iawn gyda'r adrannau cynllunio ac awdurdodau lleol i hwyluso hynny, lle bo'n bosibl. Felly, er y ceir safleoedd a ddarperir gan awdurdodau lleol, mae llawer o aelodau o'r gymuned yn awyddus i ddatblygu eu safleoedd eu hunain, ac rydym wedi gweithio'n galed iawn i sicrhau hynny.
Gwnaethoch ofyn am rai o'r rhwystrau, ac fe wnes i sôn am safleoedd tramwy. Cafwyd anawsterau penodol wrth ddatblygu safleoedd tramwy oherwydd ffiniau awdurdodau lleol, sy'n arbennig o broblematig mewn rhai ardaloedd. Felly, rydym ni'n gweithio'n galed iawn gydag amrywiaeth o awdurdodau lleol ac, fel y nododd Mark Isherwood, ar hyd llwybrau tramwy hysbys i wneud yn siŵr y gallwn roi hynny ar waith, ond mae hynny wedi bod yn arafach nag y byddem wedi'i ddymuno. Rydym yn rhoi pwyslais o'r newydd ar hynny.
O ran rhai o'r pethau eraill, rydym yn gweithio yn galed iawn ar gyfer cynhwysiant ac i ddatblygu ffyrdd gwahanol o weithio fel, os oes gennych rywun â ffordd deithiol o fyw, yna mae gennych ffyrdd hyblyg o sicrhau eu bod yn aros mewn cysylltiad. Felly, rydym yn ystyried ffyrdd y gallwn ni wneud hynny, i sicrhau y gallwn ni dderbyn plant yn gyflym i ysgolion lleol, er enghraifft, neu i feddygfeydd, ac rydym yn gweithio yn galed iawn ar hynny.
Dirprwy Lywydd, rwy'n meddwl ei bod yn eithriadol o bwysig hefyd, fel y crybwyllodd Michelle Brown, i ddweud ein bod yn gwybod bod llawer o Sipsiwn a Theithwyr yn dal i wynebu lefel o droseddau casineb a gwahaniaethu eraill, sydd yn gwbl annerbyniol, ac rwyf eisiau annog unrhyw un yr effeithir arnynt gan droseddau casineb i adrodd amdano a cheisio cymorth drwy gysylltu â'u heddlu lleol ar 101, neu 999 os yw'n argyfwng; ac i dynnu sylw at y ffaith ein bod yn ariannu Cymorth i Ddioddefwyr Cymru er mwyn darparu cymorth emosiynol, ymarferol ac eiriolaeth ar gyfer unrhyw un sy'n cael eu heffeithio gan unrhyw un o'r materion hynny.
Rydym hefyd yn ariannu, fel y gofynnodd Michelle Brown, y prosiect Teithio Ymlaen i roi cymorth i Sipsiwn a Theithwyr dan dair thema ar wahân, ac un ohonynt yw gwrth-wahaniaethu. Teithio Ymlaen yw'r ganolfan adrodd trydydd parti i gefnogi Sipsiwn a Theithwyr i feithrin hyder i adrodd am y troseddau y maent yn eu profi yn y modd hwn. Rydym hefyd yn ariannu wyth cydgysylltwr cydlyniant cymunedol rhanbarthol ledled Cymru, mae eu cynllun gwaith yn cynnwys ystyried cymunedau Sipsiwn a Theithwyr, ac maent yn cydgysylltu cymorth ar gyfer dealltwriaeth y cyhoedd o faterion yn ymwneud â datblygu safleoedd. Maent yn cynhyrchu deunyddiau sy'n chwalu'r mythau ac yn darparu hyfforddiant i aelodau etholedig mewn awdurdodau lleol, sy'n edrych ar gynlluniau i gefnogi cymunedau Sipsiwn a Theithwyr.
Thank you, leader of the house, for your statement. I think it's very heartening to hear that we've got cross-party support for this plan, because I think that's incredibly important. As you say, this is a real litmus test of whether or not we're a civilised society. You also point out that discrimination against these communities is considered to be the last acceptable form of racism, and clearly we need to tackle that.
I'm interested that you are encouraging people to report any discrimination that they're suffering to the police. I was a little bit disturbed to read about a survey done by the Traveller movement recently, with various police forces, about the attitudes amongst some police forces and the lack of due regard for their public sector equality duties in relation to the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities. This survey and other issues that have been uncovered are going to be presented to the National Police Chiefs Council this Friday. I've no idea whether any of the Welsh police forces have been involved, but clearly, were there to be any causes for concern, we would need to pick that up. I think it's particularly important at this time, when Gypsy, Roma and Travellers are being harassed across Europe, particularly, unfortunately, in Italy most recently, where there are even attempts at ethnic cleansing, which is very disturbing.
I just want to now turn to the important points you're making about ensuring that Gypsies, Travellers and Roma are doing well in education, because I do recall that the achievement amongst Gypsies and Travellers is notably worse than for any other ethnic minority group. I just want to highlight the excellent work being done at Cathays High School, which is actually in Julie Morgan's constituency, but it's on the edge of mine, and many of them actually live in Cardiff Central. Patrik Bandy is a Czech Roma, who joined Cathays High School in year 8. He achieved A and A* in art and design and textiles at GCSE. He then went on to take three A-levels, and then he had numerous universities that wanted to give him a place because of the excellence of his work. He's just completed his first year at Cardiff Metropolitan University, and he's already put on fashion shows, and he's clearly going to be somebody we're going to hear about in the future.
Secondly, Cynthia Kandurova is a Czech Roma who is currently excelling at A-level English as well as health and social care, and she's hoping to read English literature at university in the future. I think this reflects the really great work being done by teachers at Cathays High School, backed up by the minority ethnic grant. So, I wondered what conversations you've had with the Cabinet Secretary for Education about the continuance of the minority ethnic achievement grant, because I think it's really, really important—particularly if we've got pupils coming in in-year, we do need to input extra support for them to ensure they settle down in their education.
I just want to ask if there are any local authorities that are resisting establishing new sites for the Gypsy and Roma Traveller community, because I remember having conversations with Carl Sargeant about this when we were passing the relevant legislation, and he was absolutely adamant that we needed to ensure that there were sites in every local authority, not just the good ones—in every local authority.
Diolch i chi, arweinydd y tŷ, am eich datganiad. Rwy'n meddwl ei bod yn galonogol iawn clywed ein bod ni wedi cael cefnogaeth drawsbleidiol ar gyfer y cynllun hwn, oherwydd credaf ei bod yn un eithriadol o bwysig. Fel y dywedwch, mae hwn yn brawf litmws gwirioneddol o p'un a ydym yn gymdeithas wâr ai peidio. Dywedwch hefyd yr ystyrir mai gwahaniaethu yn erbyn y cymunedau hyn yw'r ffurf dderbyniol olaf o hiliaeth, ac yn amlwg mae angen inni fynd i'r afael â hynny.
Mae gennyf ddiddordeb eich clywed chi'n annog pobl i ddweud wrth yr heddlu am unrhyw wahaniaethu a ddioddefant. Cefais fy ysgwyd braidd i ddarllen am arolwg a wnaed gan y mudiad Teithwyr yn ddiweddar, gyda gwahanol heddluoedd, am yr agweddau ymysg rhai heddluoedd a'r diffyg sylw dyledus ar gyfer eu dyletswyddau cydraddoldeb sector cyhoeddus mewn perthynas â chymunedau Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr. Mae'r arolwg hwn a materion eraill sydd wedi cael eu datgelu yn mynd i gael eu cyflwyno i Gyngor Cenedlaethol Penaethiaid yr Heddlu ddydd Gwener. Does gen i ddim syniad a oes unrhyw un o heddluoedd Cymru yn cymryd rhan, ond yn amlwg, pe byddai unrhyw achosion sy'n peri pryder, byddai angen i ni nodi hynny. Mae'n arbennig o bwysig ar hyn o bryd, pan fo Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr yn cael eu haflonyddu ar draws Ewrop, yn enwedig, yn anffodus, yn yr Eidal yn fwyaf diweddar, lle y mae yna hyd yn oed ymdrechion i lanhau ethnig, sy'n beth cythryblus iawn.
Hoffwn droi yn awr at y pwyntiau pwysig yr ydych yn eu gwneud ynghylch sicrhau bod Sipsiwn, Teithwyr a Roma yn gwneud yn dda mewn addysg, oherwydd rwy'n cofio bod y cyflawniad ymhlith Sipsiwn a Theithwyr yn waeth o lawer nag unrhyw grŵp lleiafrifoedd ethnig arall. Rwyf am dynnu sylw at y gwaith rhagorol a wneir yn Ysgol Uwchradd Cathays, sydd mewn gwirionedd yn etholaeth Julie Morgan, ond mae yn ymyl fy un i, ac mae llawer ohonynt yn byw mewn gwirionedd yng Nghaerdydd Canolog. Mae Patrik Bandy yn Roma o'r Weriniaeth Tsiec, a ymunodd ag ysgol uwchradd Cathays ym mlwyddyn 8. Cyflawnodd ef A ac A* mewn celf a dylunio a thecstilau TGAU. Yna aeth ymlaen i gymryd tair lefel A, ac yna roedd prifysgolion niferus eisiau rhoi lle iddo oherwydd rhagoriaeth ei waith. Mae newydd orffen ei flwyddyn gyntaf ym Mhrifysgol Fetropolitan Caerdydd, ac mae eisoes wedi cynnal sioeau ffasiwn, ac yn amlwg mae'n mynd i fod yn rhywun yr ydym yn mynd i glywed amdano yn y dyfodol.
Yn ail, mae Cynthia Kandurova yn Roma o'r Weriniaeth Tsiec sydd yn rhagori ar hyn o bryd mewn lefel A Saesneg yn ogystal ag iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, ac yn gobeithio darllen llenyddiaeth Saesneg yn y Brifysgol yn y dyfodol. Credaf fod hyn yn adlewyrchu'r gwaith gwych a wneir gan athrawon yn Ysgol Uwchradd Cathays, gyda chefnogaeth y grant lleiafrifoedd ethnig. Felly, tybed pa sgyrsiau ydych chi wedi'u cael gydag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros addysg ynghylch parhau â'r grant cyrhaeddiad lleiafrifoedd ethnig, oherwydd credaf ei fod yn bwysig iawn, iawn—yn arbennig os oes gennym ni'r disgyblion yn dod i mewn yn ystod y flwyddyn, mae angen inni roi cymorth ychwanegol iddynt i sicrhau eu bod yn ymgartrefu yn eu sefydliad addysg.
Hoffwn ofyn a oes unrhyw awdurdodau lleol sydd yn gwrthsefyll sefydlu safleoedd newydd ar gyfer y gymuned Sipsiwn, Roma, a Theithwyr, oherwydd rwy'n cofio cael sgyrsiau â Carl Sargeant am hyn pan oeddem yn pasio deddfwriaeth berthnasol, ac roedd yn gwbl bendant bod angen inni sicrhau bod safleoedd ym mhob awdurdod lleol, nid dim ond y rhai da—ym mhob awdurdod lleol.
Yes, thank you for that insightful range of questions. We are very mindful of the potential impact of Brexit on the rights and status of Roma from other EU member states, and we're obviously working hard to better understand the UK Government's plans to communicate information about the settled status process to particular communities, because these are communities that struggle to get information of the right sort anyway. We want to ensure that we use all the tools at our disposal to ensure that those messages have got out and people have assistance to apply for the status as they are required to do so. But obviously until the UK Government announces how the settled status system will work exactly, there's a potential for unintentionally confusing messages and many in the community are wary of confusing messages from officials in any event. So, we'll want to work very hard indeed to make sure that the contributions made by citizens of other EU member states are recognised, they get the status, and we want them to stay here and thrive with us. So, we want to make sure that that is enabled as much as possible.
In terms of the education issue, we have provided additional funding this year. Obviously there have been some issues around that. We are working very hard to make sure that we work with all our local authorities to make sure that the money is channelled in a way, but this is the difficulty and the ongoing conversation around hypothecated and unhypothecated funding. We want our local authorities to be able to respond to the needs in their area, and there is a long and complex argument about how local authorities put that together. But we have provided £8.7 million this financial year to assist with that, and we are certainly working very hard with colleagues, Rebecca Evans in particular, on making sure that we have the right guidance in place to support the most marginalised people who benefit from all of those grants.
There are a whole series of other issues around the Housing (Wales) Act 2014. The housing Act has been instrumental in galvanising local authorities and we're very proud of it, but there are issues around whether, if a local authority didn't identify any need in its area because it hasn't got a settled Gypsy, Traveller or Roma population, then some of the issues with transit sites then come into play. As I said, hindsight's a wonderful thing, so we're working very hard to overcome some of those. But at the moment, you have a duty if there's a recognised need, so we're working hard across Wales to ensure that all the needs are correctly identified and we have the capital grant in place to assist with the development of those sites.
As I said, I've talked already about the regional community cohesion workers, and I just wanted to pay tribute to some of the people who've worked extremely hard with the Gypsy, Roma, Traveller learners. We know that attainment still lags behind, but I do want to pay tribute to the workforce who've worked extremely hard to engage the community and to get the young women in particular engaged in the learning process. I met with Julie Morgan, only the other day, a set of young learners who were certainly not shy of coming forward with some of their concerns. It was a real pleasure, so it's lovely to hear the highlighted examples that you gave of what can be attained when people get the ability to achieve their potential.
Ie, diolch am y gyfres graff honno o gwestiynau. Rydym yn ymwybodol o effaith bosibl Brexit ar hawliau a statws Roma o aelod-wladwriaethau eraill yr UE, ac yn amlwg rydym yn gweithio i ddeall yn well beth yw cynlluniau Llywodraeth y DU ar gyfer cyfleu gwybodaeth am y broses statws preswylydd sefydlog i gymunedau penodol, oherwydd mae'r rhain yn gymunedau sy'n ei chael hi'n anodd cael gwybodaeth o'r math cywir beth bynnag. Rydym eisiau sicrhau ein bod yn defnyddio'r holl ddulliau sydd ar gael inni i sicrhau bod y negeseuon hynny wedi mynd allan a bod pobl yn cael cymorth i wneud cais am statws fel y mae'n ofynnol iddynt wneud. Ond yn amlwg, hyd nes y bydd Llywodraeth y DU yn cyhoeddi'n union sut y bydd y system statws preswylydd sefydlog yn gweithio, mae potensial ar gyfer negeseuon anfwriadol ddryslyd ac mae llawer yn y gymuned yn amheus o negeseuon dryslyd gan swyddogion, beth bynnag. Felly, byddwn eisiau gweithio'n galed iawn yn wir i wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn cydnabod y cyfraniadau a wnaed gan ddinasyddion o aelod-wladwriaethau eraill yr UE, eu bod yn sicrhau'r statws, ac rydym yn dymuno iddynt aros yma a ffynnu gyda ni. Felly, rydym am wneud yn siŵr bod hynny'n cael ei alluogi cymaint â phosibl.
O ran addysg, rydym wedi darparu arian ychwanegol eleni. Yn amlwg bu rhai problemau ynglŷn â hynny. Rydym yn gweithio'n galed iawn i wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn gweithio gyda'n hawdurdodau lleol i wneud yn siŵr bod yr arian yn cael ei dargedu mewn ffordd, ond dyma'r anhawster a'r sgwrs barhaus ynghylch cyllid sydd wedi'i neilltuo a heb ei neilltuo. Rydym yn dymuno i'n hawdurdodau lleol allu ymateb i anghenion eu hardaloedd, ac mae dadl hir a chymhleth am sut y mae awdurdodau lleol yn gwneud hynny. Ond rydym wedi darparu £8.7 miliwn y flwyddyn ariannol hon i helpu gyda hynny, ac rydym yn sicr yn gweithio'n galed iawn gyda chydweithwyr, Rebecca Evans yn benodol, ar wneud yn siŵr bod gennym y canllawiau cywir ar waith i gefnogi'r bobl fwyaf ymylol sy'n cael budd o'r holl grantiau hynny.
Ceir cyfres gyfan o faterion eraill ynglŷn â Deddf Tai (Cymru) 2014. Mae'r Ddeddf tai wedi bod yn allweddol wrth gymell awdurdodau lleol ac rydym ni'n falch iawn ohoni, ond mae problemau ynghylch, os nad oedd awdurdod lleol yn nodi unrhyw angen yn ei ardal oherwydd nad oes ganddo boblogaeth sefydlog o Sipsiwn, Teithwyr neu Roma, yna a oes rhai o'r materion yn ymwneud â safleoedd tramwy i'w hystyried wedyn. Fel y dywedais, mae ôl-ddoethineb yn beth rhyfeddol, felly rydyn ni'n gweithio'n galed iawn i oresgyn rhai o'r materion hynny. Ond ar hyn o bryd, mae gennych ddyletswydd os oes angen cydnabyddedig, felly rydym yn gweithio ar draws Cymru i sicrhau bod yr holl anghenion yn cael eu nodi'n gywir ac mae gennym y grant cyfalaf i gynorthwyo â datblygu'r safleoedd hynny.
Fel y dywedais, rwyf eisoes wedi sôn am y gweithwyr cydlyniant cymunedol rhanbarthol, ac roeddwn eisiau talu teyrnged i rai o'r bobl sydd wedi gweithio'n galed iawn gyda dysgwyr Sipsiwn, Roma, Teithwyr. Rydym yn gwybod bod cyrhaeddiad yn dal i lusgo ar ei hôl hi, ond hoffwn dalu teyrnged i'r gweithlu sydd wedi gweithio'n eithriadol o galed i ennyn diddordeb y gymuned ac i gael y merched ifanc yn arbennig i gymryd rhan yn y broses ddysgu. Cyfarfûm gyda Julie Morgan, y diwrnod o'r blaen, â set o ddysgwyr ifanc nad oeddent yn sicr yn swil o leisio rhai o'u pryderon. Roedd yn bleser gwirioneddol, felly mae'n hyfryd clywed yr enghreifftiau a roesoch o beth y gellir ei gyflawni pan fydd pobl yn cael y cyfle i gyflawni eu potensial.
I'm very pleased that the Welsh Government is continuing its commitment to make Wales an equal society for all, including the most marginalised, as the leader of the house said. I was particularly glad that you started off your statement recognising the strong entrepreneurial spirit that Gypsies, Roma and Travellers have, and the different perspectives, and the fact that there is a diverse range of backgrounds, cultures and languages.
I do think it is the right thing to include Roma in this strategy. I don't know whether you're able to say any more about the discussions you've had about that, because I know it is a complicated issue.
I also welcome the site development and the money that's going to be put in, and I welcome the security of tenure and proposals for transit sites. I'm also pleased that the leader of the house says that the Government wants local authorities to be more proportionate about resolving unauthorised encampments. I had a letter from a young, 15-year-old, Gypsy/Traveller young woman. I don't know whether she sent a letter to the leader of the house as well, but it was a deeply moving letter. She says how 'millions are spent removing Travellers from illegal sites instead of putting into our education. Do you think we would be living on illegal grounds if we were educated, instead of being labelled a tramp, gyppo, pikey and thief before you even know us and try to understand?' That was part of her letter, and I think that, if you look at it through the views of a child, a young person, and see the amount of money that is spent on moving people on—. So, I'm glad that you've said that you're going to encourage local authorities to take a more proportionate response.
So, I think there is progress, which is great, but obviously there are still areas of concern. There are still concerns about the poor health outcomes that have already been mentioned. In the cross-party group, which I chair, we've heard a lot of examples of where Gypsies and Travellers have met prejudice, really, when they're trying to access healthcare, so I think there's a lot more to do there. But it's absolutely vital, I think, that front-line health professionals all receive awareness training and training in equality and cultural awareness, which I know is in the action plan. So, I think it's very important that we do that and that we also are able to measure when it's done and keep track of how it's going.
I also welcome the plan to find a model to fund specialist services for Gypsy, Roma and Traveller women who need specialist support because they're victims of violence, domestic abuse and sexual violence—I think that's very important.
And then, to go on to education, because, of course, education has been raised here a lot this afternoon, we obviously have got the aim of improving educational outcomes. However, there is still a lot of concern amongst the Gypsy/Traveller community and their supporters about what is happening to the Traveller education service, which, it appears, some local authorities are struggling to continue to fund.
I know that the Neath Port Talbot Gypsy, Roma and Traveller education service has a petition about the cuts to the education budget, which are affecting the service. I understand that many staff in local authorities across Wales are facing the threat of redundancy in this service. This service has been so important in supporting Gypsy and Traveller young people, and I think it's really only because of that service that we have made the progress that we have in education.
This young person refers movingly to the help that she's been given by this service, so I don't know whether the leader of the house is able to give any view on that. This young person says, 'My ethnicity—
Rwy'n falch iawn bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn parhau ei hymrwymiad i wneud Cymru yn gymdeithas gyfartal i bawb, gan gynnwys y rhai mwyaf ymylol, fel y dywedodd arweinydd y tŷ. Roeddwn yn arbennig o falch eich bod wedi dechrau eich datganiad drwy gydnabod yr ysbryd entrepreneuraidd cryf sydd gan Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr, a'r safbwyntiau gwahanol, a'r ffaith y ceir amrywiaeth eang o gefndiroedd, diwylliannau ac ieithoedd.
Credaf ei bod yn iawn i gynnwys Roma yn y strategaeth hon. Nid wyf yn gwybod p'un a ydych chi'n gallu dweud mwy am y trafodaethau yr ydych wedi'u cael ynghylch hynny, oherwydd gwn ei fod yn fater cymhleth.
Croesawaf hefyd y gwaith i ddatblygu safleoedd a'r arian sy'n mynd i gael ei roi i mewn, a chroesawaf y diogelwch o ran deiliadaeth a'r cynigion ar gyfer safleoedd tramwy. Rwyf hefyd yn falch bod arweinydd y tŷ yn dweud bod y Llywodraeth am fod yn fwy cymesur ynghylch datrys materion yn ymwneud â gwersylloedd anawdurdodedig. Cefais lythyr gan ferch ifanc, 15 mlwydd oed, Sipsiwn/Teithwyr. Dwi ddim yn gwybod a anfonodd lythyr at arweinydd y tŷ yn ogystal, ond roedd yn llythyr llawn teimlad. Mae hi'n dweud sut y caiff miliynau eu gwario yn symud teithwyr o safleoedd anghyfreithlon yn hytrach na'i wario'i ar addysg. Dywed 'A ydych chi'n credu y byddem yn byw ar diroedd anghyfreithlon pe byddem yn cael ein haddysgu, yn hytrach na chael ein labelu yn dramp, gyppo, pikey a lleidr cyn i chi hyd yn oed wybod pwy ydym a cheisio ein deall?' Rhan o'i llythyr oedd hwnnw, a chredaf, os ydych yn edrych arno o safbwynt plentyn, person ifanc, ac yn gweld y swm o arian sy'n cael ei wario ar symud pobl yn eu blaenau—. Felly, rwy'n falch eich bod wedi dweud eich bod chi'n mynd i annog awdurdodau lleol i ymateb mewn ffordd fwy cymesur.
Felly, credaf fod yna gynnydd, sy'n wych, ond mae'n amlwg bod meysydd o bryder hefyd. Ceir pryderon am y canlyniadau iechyd gwael a grybwyllwyd eisoes. Yn y grŵp trawsbleidiol a gadeiriaf, rydym wedi clywed llawer o enghreifftiau o Sipsiwn a Theithwyr yn wynebu rhagfarn, mewn gwirionedd, pan maent yn ceisio cael mynediad at ofal iechyd, felly credaf fod llawer mwy i'w wneud yn y maes hwnnw. Ond mae'n gwbl hanfodol, yn fy marn i, fod gweithwyr iechyd rheng flaen proffesiynol i gyd yn derbyn hyfforddiant ymwybyddiaeth a hyfforddiant mewn ymwybyddiaeth ddiwylliannol, ac mi wn fod hyn yn y cynllun gweithredu. Credaf felly, ei bod yn bwysig iawn inni wneud hynny a hefyd ein bod ni'n gallu mesur ar ôl i hynny gael ei wneud ac i gadw golwg ar sut y mae'n mynd.
Croesawaf hefyd y cynllun i ddod o hyd i wasanaethau arbenigol ar gyfer menywod Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr sydd angen cymorth arbenigol oherwydd eu bod nhw'n ddioddefwyr trais, cam-drin domestig a thrais rhywiol—credaf fod hynny'n bwysig iawn.
Ac yna, i fynd ymlaen at addysg, oherwydd, wrth gwrs, mae addysg wedi'i chodi'n aml y prynhawn yma, yn amlwg mae gennym y nod o wella canlyniadau addysgol. Fodd bynnag, mae llawer o bryder ymhlith y gymuned Sipsiwn a Theithwyr a'u cefnogwyr am beth sy'n digwydd yn y gwasanaeth addysg i deithwyr, y mae, mae'n ymddangos, rhai awdurdodau lleol yn cael trafferth i barhau i'w ariannu.
Gwn fod gan wasanaeth addysg Sipsiwn, Roma a Theithwyr Castell-nedd Port Talbot ddeiseb ynghylch y toriadau i'r gyllideb addysg, sy'n effeithio ar y gwasanaeth. Rwy'n deall bod llawer o staff mewn awdurdodau lleol ledled Cymru yn wynebu'r bygythiad o golli eu swyddi yn y gwasanaeth hwn. Mae'r gwasanaeth hwn wedi bod mor bwysig wrth gefnogi pobl ifanc Sipsiwn a Theithwyr, a chredaf mewn gwirionedd mai dim ond oherwydd y gwasanaeth hwnnw yr ydym wedi gwneud y cynnydd a welwyd yn y maes addysg.
Cyfeiria'r person ifanc hon yn deimladwy iawn at yr help y mae hi wedi'i gael gan y gwasanaeth hwn, felly wn i ddim a yw arweinydd y tŷ yn gallu rhoi unrhyw farn ar hynny. Mae'r person ifanc hwn yn dweud, 'Mae fy ethnigrwydd—
Are you winding up, please?
A ydych yn dirwyn i ben, os gwelwch yn dda?
Yes, okay. Finally, when I met the Gypsy young people with you, I think the issue was raised about broadband, and I wondered whether you had anything to comment about that.
And then the last question is about Gypsies and Traveller people who live in houses—whether any effort has been made to contact them and to sense what they're feeling.
Iawn, ydw. Yn olaf, pan gyfarfûm â'r bobl ifanc Sipsiwn gyda chi, credaf y codwyd y mater ynghylch band eang, ac roeddwn yn meddwl tybed a oedd gennych chi unrhyw beth i'w ddweud am hynny.
Ac yna mae'r cwestiwn olaf yn ymwneud â phobl Sipsiwn a Theithwyr sy'n byw mewn tai—a wnaed unrhyw ymdrech i gysylltu â nhw a synhwyro beth y maen nhw'n ei deimlo.
You'd expect nothing less from Julie Morgan than a comprehensive overview of the issues. She's worked tirelessly in this regard all her life, I think, actually, it's fair to say, in a proud family tradition.
On the health issues, we have gone to some trouble to make sure that the plan details how we intend to narrow the gap in health outcomes between Gypsies, Roma, Travellers and the wider population, and that includes both physical and mental health. Therefore, all of the actions in this section will be undertaken with due consideration to both of those aspects, as that was always raised with me in some of the meetings that we've attended together.
There's a specific action within this section that covers the monitoring of local health board completion of health needs assessments, and that these results are then properly fed into the service planning, and I mentioned before about recording the ethnicity in order to be able to track the data, so that we do continue to have good data about whether it's working, and we'll get the required evidence in responding to health needs, including mental health, and demonstrate where the additional action is needed as a result of the gathering of that. We also want to make sure that we have it as central to the plan when we consult the community to make sure that that recording is working properly and to their benefit, so that's a really big part of it.
In terms of the broadband, I'm delighted to say that we are looking now to see whether we can have good broadband on all of the local authority sites. The young woman, who I was very impressed by, Deputy Presiding Officer, was very vehement to me that, if we want to have flexible arrangements on sites so that people can log in and out of Hwb for education or My Health Online and so on, it was hopeless if the broadband was inadequate. So, I very much took that on board, and we're going to some efforts now to make sure that all of our sites map out where they are with that, and make sure that the broadband is properly extended to cover that.
The other issue is to make sure that we have the right connections with our Travelling Ahead project to contact all of the people who are in our communities, including the ones who happen to be in settled accommodation at this time. I was very moved by one of the families that offered me an enormous amount of hospitality, about her distress at having to be in 'bricks and mortar', as she calls it, while her daughter was at university, and her desperation to get back out of that as soon as possible. The strength of her feeling was plain. So, we need to make sure that we take into account all of those issues, and I'm very, very determined to do so.
And, in terms of the learner support, as I said, I wanted to pay tribute to that. We will be working very hard with local authorities to ensure that the additional money we've given them so far goes into the right places, and to understand how they're doing the needs assessments. Because I understand as well from the consultations that we've undertaken that some of the services appear to be under threat, and I don't really see why that should be happening. So, we're going to be looking very carefully to make sure that it doesn't happen, because we are funding that.
Ni fyddech yn disgwyl dim llai gan Julie Morgan na throsolwg cynhwysfawr o'r materion. Gweithiodd yn ddiflino yn hyn o beth drwy ei bywyd, mewn gwirionedd, rwy'n credu ei bod yn deg dweud ei bod yn draddodiad teuluol balch.
O ran y materion iechyd, rydym wedi mynd i drafferth i wneud yn siŵr bod y cynllun yn rhoi manylion am sut y bwriadwn leihau'r bwlch mewn canlyniadau iechyd rhwng Sipsiwn, Roma, Teithwyr a'r boblogaeth ehangach, ac mae hynny'n cynnwys iechyd corfforol a meddyliol. Felly, bydd yr holl gamau yn yr adran hon yn cael eu cymryd ag ystyriaeth ddyledus i'r ddwy agwedd hynny, gan fod hynny bob amser wedi ei godi gyda mi yn y cyfarfodydd hynny yr ydym ni wedi'u mynychu gyda'n gilydd.
Mae cam gweithredu penodol yn yr adran hon yn ymdrin â monitro asesiadau anghenion iechyd a gwblheir gan fyrddau iechyd lleol, a bod y canlyniadau hyn yn cael eu hadrodd yn ôl yn iawn wrth gynllunio gwasanaethau, a soniais o'r blaen am gofnodi'r ethnigrwydd er mwyn gallu olrhain y data, fel ein bod yn parhau i gael data da ynghylch pa un a yw'n gweithio ai peidio, ac y byddwn yn cael y dystiolaeth sy'n ofynnol i ymateb i anghenion iechyd, gan gynnwys iechyd meddwl, ac yn dangos lle y mae angen camau gweithredu ychwanegol o ganlyniad i hynny. Rydym hefyd eisiau gwneud yn siŵr ei fod yn ganolog i'r cynllun pan fyddwn yn ymgynghori â'r gymuned i wneud yn siŵr bod y cofnodi yn gweithio'n iawn ac yn llesol iddynt, fel ei fod yn rhan fawr iawn ohono.
O ran band eang, rwy'n falch o ddweud ein bod yn edrych yn awr i weld a allwn ni gael band eang da ar holl safleoedd awdurdodau lleol. Roedd y ferch ifanc, a wnaeth argraff fawr arnaf i, Dirprwy Lywydd, yn bendant iawn i mi, os ydym am gael trefniadau hyblyg ar safleoedd fel bod pobl yn gallu mewngofnodi ac allgofnodi o Hwb ar gyfer addysg neu Fy Iechyd Ar-lein ac ati, fod hynny'n anobeithiol os yw'r band eang yn annigonol. Felly, ystyriais hynny yn llawn, ac rydym yn ymdrechu nawr i wneud yn siŵr bod pob un o'n safleoedd yn mapio lle y maen nhw arni o ran hynny, ac yn gwneud yn siŵr bod y band eang yn cael ei ymestyn yn briodol i ymdrin â hynny.
Y mater arall yw gwneud yn siŵr bod gennym y cysylltiadau iawn yn ein prosiect Teithio Ymlaen i gysylltu â'r holl bobl sydd yn ein cymunedau, gan gynnwys y rhai sy'n digwydd bod mewn llety sefydlog ar hyn o bryd. Effeithiwyd yn fawr arnaf wrth siarad ag un o'r teuluoedd hynny a gynigiodd lawer iawn o letygarwch i mi, am ei thrallod o orfod byw mewn 'brics a morter', fel y mae hi'n ei alw, tra oedd ei merch yn y brifysgol, a'i hawydd taer i ddianc o hynny cyn gynted â phosibl. Roedd cryfder ei theimlad yn amlwg. Felly, mae angen inni wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn ystyried yr holl faterion hynny, ac rwy'n benderfynol iawn, iawn o wneud hynny.
Ac, o ran y cymorth i ddysgwyr, fel y dywedais, roeddwn am roi teyrnged i hynny. Byddwn ni'n gweithio'n galed iawn gyda'r awdurdodau lleol i sicrhau yr aiff yr arian ychwanegol yr ydym wedi'i roi iddynt hyd yma i'r lleoedd cywir, ac i ddeall sut y maen nhw'n gwneud yr asesiadau o anghenion. Oherwydd rwy'n deall hefyd o'r ymgynghoriadau a wnaed yr ymddengys bod rhai o'r gwasanaethau dan fygythiad, ac mewn gwirionedd dwi ddim yn gweld pam y dylai hynny fod yn digwydd. Felly, rydym yn mynd i fod yn edrych yn ofalus iawn i wneud yn siŵr nad yw hyn yn digwydd, oherwydd ein bod ni'n ariannu hynny.
And, finally, John Griffiths.
Ac, yn olaf, John Griffiths.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. I do very much agree that it is a test of our new democracy here in Wales how we counter the discrimination and prejudice that Gypsy, Traveller and Roma communities face, and I guess many of us who are familiar with issues around proposed local sites in our constituencies will understand the level of suspicion and, unfortunately, ignorance that often exists. And I just wonder, leader of the house, in terms of the history week and the media effort and perhaps particularly local papers, which can be very useful at getting the positive stories and the positive human interest stories across, how Welsh Government will work with those possibilities and take forward a cohesion strategy to address some of these misunderstandings, which, unfortunately, are quite strong, and tackle some of the, again, misunderstandings around illegal sites, the sorts of points people make, which are, 'Why then do you want to establish a settled site when these people want to travel around and they don't want to be settled?' There are all sorts of understandings that people have that come from folk history, really, that really don't fit in with the way the modern age operates, and the way cultures and communities have moved on.
Just in terms of the Roma community, I do welcome the focus that's now present. My own experience locally is of schools doing really good work. Lliswerry comprehensive in Newport, for example, has a substantial number of Roma children. They work very well with them and their families. I think it's been found that employing somebody as a bridge, somebody from the Roma community as a bridge, with authority, as it's seen, and the more formal world, can be very useful in terms of communication and getting policies implemented effectively on the ground. And I just wonder whether that experience of what works in some parts of Wales where there are substantial Roma communities is properly evaluated and spread through the medium of Welsh Government.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Rwy'n cytuno'n gryf iawn ei fod yn brawf o'n democratiaeth newydd yng Nghymru a sut yr ydym yn gwrthwynebu'r gwahaniaethu a'r rhagfarn sy'n wynebu cymunedau Sipsiwn, Teithwyr a Roma, ac rwy'n dyfalu y bydd llawer ohonom sy'n gyfarwydd â materion yn ymwneud â safleoedd lleol arfaethedig yn ein hetholaethau yn deall lefel yr amheuaeth ac, yn anffodus, yr anwybodaeth sy'n aml yn bodoli. Ac rwy'n meddwl tybed, arweinydd y tŷ, o ran yr wythnos hanes ac ymdrech y cyfryngau a'r papurau lleol efallai yn arbennig, sy'n gallu bod yn ddefnyddiol iawn wrth gyflwyno'r straeon cadarnhaol a'r straeon diddordeb dynol cadarnhaol, sut y bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio gyda'r posibiliadau hynny ac yn datblygu strategaeth cydlyniant i fynd i'r afael â rhai o'r camddealltwriaethau hyn, sydd, yn anffodus, yn eithaf cryf, a mynd i'r afael â rhywfaint o'r, unwaith eto, camddealltwriaeth a geir ynghylch safleoedd anghyfreithlon, y mathau o sylwadau y mae pobl yn eu gwneud, fel, 'Pam ydych chi eisiau sefydlu safle sefydlog pan mae'r bobl hyn eisiau teithio o amgylch ac nad oes arnynt eisiau setlo?' Mae yna bob math o ddealltwriaeth sydd gan bobl sy'n dod o hanes gwerin, mewn gwirionedd, nad yw'n cydweddu â'r ffordd y mae'r oes fodern yn gweithredu, a'r ffordd y mae diwylliannau a chymunedau wedi symud yn eu blaenau.
O ran y gymuned Roma, croesawaf y pwyslais hwnnw a geir yn awr. O'm mhrofiad lleol fy hun, mae ysgolion yn gwneud gwaith da iawn. Mae gan ysgol gyfun Llyswyry yng Nghasnewydd, er enghraifft, nifer sylweddol o blant Roma. Mae'n gweithio'n dda iawn gyda hwy a'u teuluoedd. Credaf y canfuwyd y gall cyflogi rhywun fel pont, rhywun o'r gymuned Roma fel pont, ag awdurdod, fel y gwelir, yn y byd mwy ffurfiol, fod yn ddefnyddiol iawn o ran cyfathrebu a chael polisïau ar waith yn effeithiol ar lawr gwlad. A meddwl oeddwn i tybed a yw'r profiad hwnnw o beth sy'n gweithio mewn rhai rhannau o Gymru, lle ceir cymunedau Roma sylweddol, yn cael ei werthuso'n briodol a'i ledaenu drwy Lywodraeth Cymru.
Yes, that's a very good point that you make there, John Griffiths. We have got some very good examples across Wales of really good engagement with Roma, Gypsy and Traveller communities, and I'm sure we could all name schools across Wales that have done really good work. So, we will be working very hard with colleagues in the education department to make sure we spread that out. And, of course, I just want to say that it's a very central part of our new Donaldson curriculum that people become ethical, informed citizens of the world. So, the Cabinet Secretary for Education and I have ensured that part of that informed citizen theme will be particular modules on Roma, Gypsy and Traveller people. As I said, they are some of the most marginalised and discriminated against people in our society. It's very important that their history is properly understood. We do fund the community cohesion workers to produce myth-busting materials and provide training, in particular to elected members, who have responsibility for putting some of our planning into practice. But I do think it's a very good idea to include media in that and I will certainly take that forward as an excellent suggestion.
Ie, rydych chi'n gwneud pwynt da iawn, John Griffiths. Mae gennym ni rai enghreifftiau da iawn ledled Cymru o ymgysylltu da iawn â chymunedau Roma, Sipsiwn a Theithwyr, ac rwy'n siŵr y gallem ni i gyd enwi ysgolion ledled Cymru sydd wedi gwneud gwaith da iawn. Felly, byddwn ni'n gweithio'n galed iawn gyda chydweithwyr yn yr adran addysg i wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn ei ledaenu. Ac, wrth gwrs, rwyf am ddweud ei fod yn rhan ganolog iawn o'n cwricwlwm Donaldson newydd, fod pobl yn dod yn ddinasyddion moesol, deallus o'r byd. Felly, mae Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros addysg a fi wedi sicrhau y bydd modiwlau penodol ar bobl Roma, Sipsiwn a Theithwyr yn rhan o'r thema dinasyddion cytbwys. Fel y dywedais, maent yn rhai o'r bobl sydd fwyaf ar ymylon cymdeithas ac y gwahaniaethir fwyaf yn eu herbyn yn ein cymdeithas. Mae'n bwysig iawn bod eu hanes yn cael ei ddeall yn iawn. Rydym yn ariannu'r gweithwyr cydlyniant cymunedol i gynhyrchu deunyddiau dryllio'r mythau a darparu hyfforddiant, yn arbennig i aelodau etholedig sy'n gyfrifol am roi rhywfaint o'r gwaith cynllunio ar waith. Ond rwy'n meddwl ei bod yn syniad da iawn i gynnwys y cyfryngau yn hynny, a byddaf yn sicr o gyflwyno hynny fel awgrym ardderchog.
Thank you very much, leader of the house.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, arweinydd y tŷ.
Item 7 on the agenda this afternoon is a statement by the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Services, 'Brexit—The Risks for the Future of Health and Social Care in Wales'. I call on the Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Services, Vaughan Gething.
Eitem 7 ar yr agenda y prynhawn yma yw datganiad gan Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol, 'Brexit—y risgiau i Ddyfodol Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol yng Nghymru. Galwaf ar Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Iechyd a Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol, Vaughan Gething.
Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. The United Kingdom is due to leave the European Union in March next year followed by a transition period until December 2020. Brexit has significant implications for the people, public services and businesses of Wales. Today I'll set out some of the main challenges facing health and social care. In particular, I want to address challenges to our workforce, public health systems, access to current and new medicines, medical technology and innovation, the necessity of continued international research, collaboration and innovation, protecting access to essential healthcare for EU citizens in Wales and indeed Welsh citizens in the European Union. I've issued a written statement to complement this oral statement, setting out more detail.
As the UK leaves the European Union, significant aspects of the devolved settlement will no longer be constrained by EU law. There are 64 areas relevant to the Welsh Government, 11 of which are directly relevant to health and social services. To protect the interests and promote the priorities of Wales, my officials are actively engaged in groups established with the UK and Scottish Governments to assess the implications of these returning powers, to identify any necessary legislative changes and to resolve the co-ordination arrangements needed across the UK post Brexit. In particular, they're considering the implications if no deal is reached and the implications for Wales if that wholly catastrophic situation is allowed to happen.
The Welsh Government set out six priorities for our new relationship with the European Union. One of these priorities is that any new migration system should link migration policy more closely to employment, so that we can recruit the doctors, nurses and other health and care workers that we need, whilst protecting them from exploitation. Right from the start, our messages have been clear and consistent: we recognise the value we place on staff from other countries; we remind stakeholders how the NHS and social care sectors have always drawn on talented people from across the globe; and, in a European context, free movement benefits not only people who deliver services but also, of course, the people who receive them. EU nationals make up an important part of the NHS and social care workforce. Every single employee must be made to feel welcomed and valued for the role that they play in delivering services that benefit the people of Wales. More than that, we welcome the contribution that people make to communities across Wales as friends, neighbours and citizens of our country.
Health threats do not respect national borders. UK citizens currently benefit from EU systems designed to protect public health across Europe. For example, the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control provides countries across the EU with protection against notifiable communicable disease outbreaks and public health risks through a single database. Delays in communication around crisis management, or divergence in standards and procedures between Europe and the UK post Brexit could lead to delays in action being taken during a crisis and pose a significant risk to public health. So, ensuring close collaborative links from day one after Brexit will be key to ensuring the people of Wales maintain full protection. This relies upon effective data sharing to avoid returning to the days of quarantine. The EU-wide system on data sharing is overseen by the European Court of Justice. If that is not agreed for the future, then the default position will be that data cannot be shared with the UK. That would pose an unacceptable risk to public health here in Wales.
The UK has, of course, become used to a high level of food standards and safety, including labelling. Much of this legislation is derived from European Union law. There are effective and rapid systems for exchanging cross-border intelligence and information about serious food risks and food fraud. These systems supply the UK with a warning of any identified threats to food safety from across the EU. That's essential for the protection of public health, to maintain consumers' confidence in their food and to maintain the reputation of UK food businesses. There is a real risk that a European transition could adversely impact the quality and transparency that we have come to expect in this area. So, we want to see strong communication internally across the UK and with our European counterparts to manage risks related to food safety.
Decades of co-operation and harmonisation of standards on medicines and medical technologies have produced proven benefits for citizens across Europe. All medicines and technologies must be of a high standard, proven to be safe and effective before they can be placed on the EU market. Any substantial divergence from Europe would leave us worse off. Restrictions on trade, custom checks and trade tariffs are likely to reduce the availability of some medicines, cause delays in supply, and lead to higher prices. This will also affect future investment choices for companies developing medicines and medical devices. Without a customs union and tariff-free trade with the single market, Wales and the rest of the UK will become less attractive for these well-paid jobs.
Separate approval systems will impact the pace at which we can access new medicines and technologies. For example, in Switzerland and Canada, which have separate approval systems, medicines typically reach the market six months later than in the EU. Any delays on that scale are simply unacceptable. We will continue to press the UK Government to ensure that Welsh and UK patients continue to get early access to new effective drugs, treatment options and the latest medical technologies.
Countries and regions across the world face common and significant health and care challenges. Those challenges can't be addressed in isolation. So, continued collaboration in research, development and innovation is essential. EU programmes provide robust opportunities for health and social care professionals and businesses to collaborate with each other on common goals. We want our health and care researchers and innovators to continue to work with partners throughout Europe and beyond, building on our track record of success.
Finally, I want to address the implications of Brexit for cross-border and reciprocal healthcare arrangements that we currently enjoy with our European neighbours. This healthcare is provided under the same conditions and at the same cost as people insured in that country. Under the proposed terms of the transition agreement, EU nationals currently in the UK and UK nationals living in the EU will be able to continue to live abroad and have the same access to healthcare as they do now. However, the future axis of those reciprocal arrangements is not yet guaranteed as they are subject to the outcome of the negotiations between the EU and the UK Government. But one thing I can make clear: access to NHS Wales operates on a residency basis. That means that free healthcare is provided to people who are ordinarily resident in Wales. Health boards in Wales will not refuse treatment to EU citizens who are ordinarily resident in Wales if there are any difficulties regarding their right to live in this country during the transitional period.
The Brexit risks for health and social care are obvious and critical. If unresolved, they will have real and lasting consequences for our services, for individuals, families and communities across Wales. The Welsh Government will continue to make the case for these to be addressed in any deal to leave the EU. No-one should be in any doubt that leaving the EU without a deal is the worst possible scenario for health and social care in Wales.
Diolch ichi, Dirprwy Lywydd. Mae'r Deyrnas Unedig i fod i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd ym mis Mawrth y flwyddyn nesaf a bydd cyfnod pontio yn dilyn hynny tan fis Rhagfyr 2020. Mae gan Brexit oblygiadau sylweddol ar gyfer pobl, gwasanaethau cyhoeddus a busnesau yng Nghymru. Heddiw byddaf yn amlinellu rhai o'r prif heriau sy'n wynebu iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol. Yn benodol, rwyf eisiau mynd i'r afael â heriau i'n gweithlu, ein systemau iechyd cyhoeddus, y gallu i gael gafael ar feddyginiaethau presennol a newydd, technoleg ac arloesi meddygol, yr angen i barhau ag ymchwil, cydweithredu ac arloesi rhyngwladol, diogelu'r mynediad at ofal iechyd hanfodol ar gyfer dinasyddion yr UE yng Nghymru, ac yn wir, i ddinasyddion Cymru yn yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Rwyf wedi cyhoeddi datganiad ysgrifenedig i ategu'r datganiad llafar hwn, sy'n cynnwys mwy o fanylion.
Wrth i'r DU adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, ni fydd agweddau sylweddol ar y setliad datganoledig wedi eu cyfyngu gan gyfraith yr UE mwyach. Mae 64 maes perthnasol i Lywodraeth Cymru, 11 ohonynt yn uniongyrchol berthnasol i iechyd a gwasanaethau cymdeithasol. I ddiogelu buddiannau ac i hyrwyddo blaenoriaethau Cymru, mae fy swyddogion yn rhan greiddiol o grwpiau a sefydlwyd gyda Llywodraeth y DU a Llywodraeth yr Alban i asesu goblygiadau'r pwerau hyn sy'n dychwelyd, i nodi unrhyw newidiadau deddfwriaethol angenrheidiol ac i ddatrys y trefniadau cydgysylltu fydd eu hangen yn y DU ar ôl Brexit. Yn benodol, maen nhw'n ystyried y goblygiadau os na cheir bargen a'r goblygiadau i Gymru os caniateir i'r sefyllfa gwbl drychinebus honno ddigwydd.
Nododd Llywodraeth Cymru chwe blaenoriaeth ar gyfer ein perthynas newydd gyda'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Un o'r blaenoriaethau hyn yw y dylai unrhyw system fudo newydd greu cyswllt agosach rhwng polisïau mudo a chyflogaeth, fel y gallwn ni recriwtio meddygon, nyrsys a'r gweithwyr iechyd a gofal eraill sydd eu hangen arnom ni, gan eu diogelu nhw rhag camfanteisio. O'r cychwyn cyntaf, bu ein negeseuon yn glir a chyson: rydym ni'n cydnabod y gwerth a roddwn ni ar staff o wledydd eraill; rydym ni'n atgoffa rhanddeiliaid sut mae'r GIG a'r sector gofal cymdeithasol wastad wedi elwa ar bobl ddawnus o ledled y byd; ac, mewn cyd-destun Ewropeaidd, mae rhyddid i symud o fudd nid yn unig i bobl sy'n darparu gwasanaethau ond hefyd, wrth gwrs, i'r bobl sy'n eu derbyn. Mae gwladolion yr UE yn rhan bwysig o'r gweithlu gofal cymdeithasol a'r GIG. Rhaid gwneud i bob un gweithiwr deimlo eu bod yn cael croeso a'u bod yn cael eu gwerthfawrogi am y gwaith y maen nhw'n ei wneud i ddarparu gwasanaethau sydd o fudd i bobl Cymru. Yn fwy na hynny, rydym ni'n croesawu'r cyfraniad y mae pobl yn ei wneud i gymunedau ledled Cymru fel ffrindiau, cymdogion a dinasyddion ein gwlad.
Nid yw bygythiadau i iechyd yn parchu ffiniau cenedlaethol. Mae dinasyddion y DU ar hyn o bryd yn elwa o gyfundrefnau yr UE a gynlluniwyd i ddiogelu iechyd y cyhoedd ar draws Ewrop. Er enghraifft, mae'r Ganolfan Ewropeaidd ar gyfer Atal a Rheoli Clefydau yn diogelu gwledydd ledled yr UE rhag achosion o glefydau heintus hysbys a risgiau iechyd cyhoeddus drwy un gronfa ddata. Gallai oedi mewn cyfathrebu o ran rheoli argyfwng, neu wahaniaeth mewn safonau a gweithdrefnau rhwng Ewrop a'r DU ar ôl Brexit arwain at oedi wrth weithredu yn ystod argyfwng ac achosi risg sylweddol i iechyd y cyhoedd. Felly, mae sicrhau cysylltiadau cydweithio agos o'r diwrnod cyntaf ar ôl Brexit yn allweddol i sicrhau y caiff pobl Cymru eu diogelu'n llawn. Mae hyn yn dibynnu ar rannu data yn effeithiol er mwyn osgoi dychwelyd i ddyddiau cwarantîn. Mae'r system rhannu data sydd ar waith ledled yr UE yn cael ei goruchwylio gan Lys Cyfiawnder Ewrop. Os na chytunir ar hynny ar gyfer y dyfodol, yna y sefyllfa anorfod yw na ellir rhannu data â'r DU. Byddai hynny'n peri risg annerbyniol i iechyd cyhoeddus yng Nghymru.
Mae'r DU, wrth gwrs, wedi dod i arfer â lefel uchel o safonau a diogelwch bwyd, gan gynnwys labelu. Mae llawer o'r ddeddfwriaeth hon yn deillio o gyfraith yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae systemau effeithiol a chyflym ar gyfer cyfnewid gwybodaeth a dealltwriaeth rhwng gwledydd am risgiau bwyd difrifol a thwyll bwyd. Mae'r systemau hyn yn rhybuddio'r DU o unrhyw fygythiadau diogelwch bwyd a nodwyd a ganfuwyd yn yr UE. Mae hynny'n hanfodol ar gyfer diogelu iechyd y cyhoedd, i sicrhau hyder y defnyddwyr yn eu bwyd ac i gynnal enw da busnesau bwyd y DU. Mae perygl gwirioneddol y gallai cyfnod pontio Ewropeaidd gael effaith andwyol ar yr ansawdd a'r tryloywder yr ydym ni wedi dod i'w ddisgwyl yn y maes hwn. Felly, rydym ni eisiau gweld cyfathrebu cadarn yn fewnol ledled y DU ac â'n cymheiriaid yn Ewrop i reoli risgiau sy'n gysylltiedig â diogelwch bwyd.
Mae degawdau o gydweithredu a chysoni safonau ar gyfer meddyginiaethau a thechnolegau meddygol wedi creu manteision sicr ar gyfer dinasyddion ledled Ewrop. Mae'n rhaid i'r holl feddyginiaethau a thechnolegau fod o safon uchel a bod prawf eu bod yn ddiogel ac effeithiol cyn y gellir eu gosod ar farchnad yr UE. Byddai unrhyw wahaniaeth sylweddol rhyngddom ni ac Ewrop yn ein gadael yn waeth ein byd. Bydd cyfyngiadau ar fasnach, archwiliadau personol a thariffau masnach yn debygol o leihau argaeledd rhai meddyginiaethau, yn achosi oedi yn y cyflenwad, ac yn arwain at brisiau uwch. Bydd hyn hefyd yn effeithio ar ddewisiadau buddsoddi yn y dyfodol i gwmnïau ddatblygu meddyginiaethau a dyfeisiau meddygol. Heb undeb tollau a masnach di-dariff gyda'r farchnad sengl, bydd Cymru a gweddill y DU yn dod yn llai deniadol ar gyfer y swyddi hyn sy'n talu'n dda.
Bydd systemau cymeradwyo ar wahân yn effeithio ar ba mor gyflym y gallwn ni gael gafael ar feddyginiaethau a thechnolegau newydd. Er enghraifft, yn y Swistir a Chanada, sydd â systemau cymeradwyo ar wahân, mae meddyginiaethau fel arfer yn cyrraedd y farchnad chwe mis yn hwyrach nag yn yr UE. Mae unrhyw oedi ar y raddfa honno yn gwbl annerbyniol. Byddwn yn parhau i bwyso ar Lywodraeth y DU i sicrhau bod cleifion Cymru a'r DU yn parhau i allu manteisio'n brydlon ar gyffuriau effeithiol newydd, dewisiadau triniaeth a'r technolegau meddygol diweddaraf.
Mae gwledydd a rhanbarthau ledled y byd yn wynebu heriau iechyd a gofal sylweddol a chyffredin. Ni ellir mynd i'r afael â'r heriau hynny ar wahân. Felly, mae parhau i gydweithio mewn ymchwil, datblygu ac arloesi yn hanfodol. Mae rhaglenni'r UE yn rhoi cyfleoedd cadarn i weithwyr proffesiynol iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol a busnesau gydweithio â'i gilydd ar amcanion cyffredin. Mae arnom ni eisiau i'n hymchwilwyr ac arloeswyr iechyd a gofal barhau i weithio gyda phartneriaid ledled Ewrop a thu hwnt, gan adeiladu ar ein henw da o lwyddiant.
Yn olaf, hoffwn ymdrin â goblygiadau Brexit ar gyfer y trefniadau gofal iechyd trawsffiniol a dwyochrog sydd gennym ni ar hyn o bryd â'n cymdogion Ewropeaidd. Darperir y gofal iechyd hwn o dan yr un amodau ac am yr un gost â'r bobl sydd wedi eu hyswirio yn y wlad honno. Yn unol â thelerau'r cytundeb pontio arfaethedig, bydd gwladolion yr UE ar hyn o bryd yn y DU a gwladolion y DU sy'n byw yn yr UE yn gallu parhau i fyw dramor ac i gael yr un gofal iechyd ag y maen nhw yn ei gael yn awr. Fodd bynnag, nid yw dyfodol y trefniadau dwyochrog hynny wedi eu gwarantu eto oherwydd maen nhw'n amodol ar ganlyniad y trafodaethau rhwng yr UE a Llywodraeth y DU. Ond un peth y gallaf ei wneud yn glir: Mae defnyddio GIG Cymru yn gweithredu ar sail preswyliaeth. Golyga hynny y darperir gofal iechyd am ddim i bobl sydd fel arfer yn byw yng Nghymru. Ni fydd byrddau iechyd yng Nghymru yn gwrthod triniaeth i ddinasyddion yr UE sy'n preswylio yng Nghymru os oes unrhyw anawsterau o ran eu hawl i fyw yn y wlad hon yn ystod y cyfnod pontio.
Mae'r risgiau yn sgil Brexit ar gyfer iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yn amlwg a difrifol. Os na chawn nhw mo'u datrys, byddant yn cael effaith wirioneddol a pharhaol ar ein gwasanaethau, ar unigolion, teuluoedd a chymunedau ledled Cymru. Bydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn parhau i gyflwyno'r achos dros roi sylw i'r agweddau hyn mewn unrhyw fargen i adael yr UE. Ni ddylai neb fod mewn unrhyw amheuaeth mai gadael yr UE heb fargen yw'r sefyllfa waethaf bosib ar gyfer iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yng Nghymru.
Thank you for your statement today. I think you're absolutely right to raise the challenges that we all face, whether we're in Wales or in the UK, in regard to leaving the EU under terms of an agreement that are satisfactory to all of us. However, I do think that there's a degree of mischief making in this statement because this is still a negotiation, as you well know, and I do want to reiterate very clearly that the UK Government does not want or expect a 'no deal' outcome. So, the question I would like to ask you, Cabinet Secretary, is: if faced with Hobson's choice, a bad deal or no deal, which would you prefer? Because I personally would not like to sign Wales and the UK up to something that is utterly untenable. You have said again and again in this statement that a 'no deal' would be awful, and I agree with you; I want a deal that is good for Wales and good for the UK. But I'd like your clarity, where you stand, on the difference between walking away from something that's awful and just going for it.
The second point that I would like to ask you about is that you very clearly state in here, and you have in previous commentary, that you are, or your officials are, very actively engaged on groups that have been established with both the UK and Scottish Governments to discuss all the various implications of us leaving the European Union. Could you please give us a little bit more detail about those groups, what they sit on, what they're looking at, and how they are contributing towards this debate, so that we can be assured that we are actually making our voice, as Wales, heard in the right place and we are having an effect on the discussions that are taking place at present?
Given that your officials are actively engaged on these groups, you do raise a serious number of questions that we already know some of the answers to. On assurances that health and social care staff currently working in Wales would be able to stay in the UK, the Government have very, very clearly said that; they've laid out very clearly that European people who reside in Wales, and in the UK, will be able to stay, and vice versa. They've talked about the healthcare, the pension rights, and they've talked about the recognition of qualifications—again, another point that you raise in your written statement that you issued earlier on today. Absolutely valid things to ask, but my question back to you is: if you're not clear on the answer to these, then what groups are your officials working on? Because I would've thought that you would have known that all of this had been discussed, that these points had been raised, and you would know how far down that particular direction of travel we already are. Because you're absolutely right, Cabinet Secretary; it is vital that our friends and our partners in the European Union understand how much we value them, and that those who work in our NHS, and in our social care, and, indeed, in any part of Wales, understand how vital we think that their input is in our country. So, I do not quarrel with you on that, but I do not wish to see any form of frightening people when things have already been discussed and agreed. So, I'll be interested to understand your take on this and why you feel that those assurances that have already been agreed, and have already been put out into the public space, are not acceptable.
Regulation of medicines: I've raised this here myself, with you and definitely the First Minister—with you in a speech, but with the First Minister directly—because I think that's incredibly important, and I'd like to understand if your groups have been working on that, and what progress you've been able to make on this.
I would like to finally end by saying that this is for negotiation; it is still ongoing. Seventy-five per cent of the outstanding issues were agreed at stage 1 of the negotiations between the UK Government and the European Union. Much has already been agreed in stage 2, and I just wonder if you would like me to send you a copy of the joint statement from the negotiators of the European Union and United Kingdom Government on the progress of the negotiations dated 19 June of this year, because I think that would actually very clearly lay out the position.
Diolch i chi am eich datganiad heddiw. Rwy'n credu eich bod yn hollol gywir yn crybwyll yr heriau sy'n wynebu pob un ohonom ni, p'un a ydyn ni yng Nghymru neu yn y DU, o ran gadael yr UE o dan delerau cytundeb sy'n foddhaol i bawb ohonom. Fodd bynnag, rwyf yn credu bod rhywfaint o geisio codi stŵr yn y datganiad hwn oherwydd bod hyn yn dal i gael ei negodi, fel y gwyddoch chi'n dda, ac rwyf eisiau ailadrodd yn glir iawn nad yw Llywodraeth y DU eisiau nac yn disgwyl canlyniad lle na fydd bargen. Felly, y cwestiwn yr hoffwn ei ofyn ichi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, yw: petai pethau'n gyfyng iawn arnoch chi, pe byddai'n rhaid ichi ddewis bargen wael neu ddim bargen, pa un fyddai'n well gennych chi? Oherwydd yn bersonol ni hoffwn i ymrwymo Cymru a'r DU i rywbeth sy'n gwbl anghynaladwy. Rydych chi wedi dweud dro ar ôl tro yn y datganiad hwn y byddai 'dim bargen' yn ofnadwy, ac rwy'n cytuno â chi; rwyf eisiau bargen sy'n dda ar gyfer Cymru ac yn dda ar gyfer y DU. Ond hoffwn wybod yn eglur gennych chi, beth yw eich safbwynt, ar y gwahaniaeth rhwng troi cefn ar rywbeth sy'n ofnadwy neu dderbyn hynny.
Yr ail bwynt yr hoffwn i ofyn i chi yw eich bod yn datgan yn glir iawn yn y fan yma, ac rydych chi wedi dweud yn flaenorol, eich bod chi, neu fod eich swyddogion yn rhan ganolog o grwpiau sydd wedi'u sefydlu gyda Llywodraeth y DU a Llywodraeth yr Alban ill dwy i drafod yr holl oblygiadau amrywiol ohonom yn gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd. Allwch chi roi inni ychydig mwy o fanylion am y grwpiau hynny, beth maen nhw yn ei drafod, beth maen nhw'n canolbwyntio arno, a sut maen nhw'n cyfrannu tuag at y ddadl hon, fel y gallwn ni fod yn sicr y caiff ein llais ni, Cymru, ei glywed mewn gwirionedd ble mae angen ei glywed a'n bod yn cael effaith ar y trafodaethau sy'n digwydd ar hyn o bryd?
O gofio bod eich swyddogion yn weithgar iawn ar y grwpiau hyn, rydych chi'n codi sawl cwestiwn difrifol y gwyddom ni eisoes rai o'r atebion iddynt. O ran sicrwydd y byddai staff iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol sy'n gweithio ar hyn o bryd yng Nghymru yn gallu aros yn y DU, mae'r Llywodraeth wedi dweud yn glir iawn iawn y buon nhw'n gwbl eglur fod dinasyddion Ewropeaidd sy'n byw yng Nghymru, ac yn y DU, yn gallu aros, ac i'r gwrthwyneb. Maen nhw wedi siarad am y gofal iechyd, yr hawliau pensiwn, ac maen nhw wedi siarad am gydnabod cymwysterau—sydd, unwaith eto, yn sylw arall a wnaethoch chi yn eich datganiad ysgrifenedig a gyhoeddwyd gennych chi yn gynharach heddiw. Pethau hollol ddilys i ofyn, ond fy nghwestiwn i chi yw: Os nad ydych chi'n gwybod beth yw'r ateb i hyn, yna pa grwpiau mae eich swyddogion yn gweithio arnynt? Oherwydd byddwn wedi meddwl y byddech yn gwybod fod hyn i gyd wedi'i drafod, fod y pwyntiau hyn wedi eu crybwyll, ac y byddech yn gwybod pa gynnydd rydym ni wedi ei wneud o ran hynny eisoes. Oherwydd rydych chi yn llygad eich lle, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet; mae'n hanfodol bod ein cyfeillion a'n partneriaid yn yr Undeb Ewropeaidd yn deall faint yr ydym yn eu gwerthfawrogi, a bod y rhai sy'n gweithio yn ein GIG, ac yn ein gwasanaethau gofal cymdeithasol, ac, yn wir, mewn unrhyw ran o Gymru, yn deall mor hanfodol y credwn ni yw eu cyfraniad yn ein gwlad. Felly, nid wyf yn dadlau â chi ynglŷn â hynny, ond nid wyf eisiau gweld unrhyw fath o ddychryn pobl pan fo pethau eisoes wedi'u trafod a'u cytuno. Felly, byddai gennyf ddiddordeb deall eich safbwynt ynghylch hyn a pham eich bod yn teimlo bod y sicrwydd hwnnw y cytunwyd arno eisoes, ac sydd eisoes yn wybodus gyhoeddus, yn annerbyniol.
O ran rheoleiddio meddyginiaethau: rwyf wedi crybwyll hyn yma fy hun, gyda chi ac yn bendant gyda'r Prif Weinidog—gyda chi mewn araith, ond gyda'r Prif Weinidog yn uniongyrchol—oherwydd credaf fod hynny'n eithriadol o bwysig, ac fe hoffwn i ddeall a yw eich grwpiau wedi bod yn gweithio ar hynny, a pha gynnydd ydych wedi llwyddo i'w wneud yn hyn beth.
Fe hoffwn i orffen o'r diwedd drwy ddweud bod hwn i'w negodi; mae'n dal ar y gweill. Cytunwyd ar 75 y cant o'r materion sy'n weddill yng nghyfnod 1 y trafodaethau rhwng Llywodraeth y DU a'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae llawer eisoes wedi ei gytuno yng nghyfnod 2, a dim ond meddwl wyf i tybed a hoffech chi imi anfon copi o'r datganiad ar y cyd gan drafodwyr yr Undeb Ewropeaidd a Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig ynglŷn â chynnydd y negodiadau, sy'n ddyddiedig 19 Mehefin eleni, oherwydd credaf y byddai hynny mewn gwirionedd yn egluro'r sefyllfa yn amlwg iawn.
Thank you for your comments. All of the issues that I have mentioned are being discussed between Governments within the United Kingdom. So, there is a constructive conversation taking place, but I think it's important to set out the range of risks that do exist before we reach a final deal. And on the issues that I have mentioned thus far, none of them have been bottomed out in terms of post transition; that's the challenge. In particular, for example, you mention longer-term residency; there's an agreement up to the transition, but there isn't an agreement after that. So, I think it's entirely proper to raise that these are matters that do need to be resolved in any final deal and have not been resolved to date. This is not a matter of mischief making; I think we just need to be honest about the range of risks that we carry if we don't have a good deal and information that people are not commonly aware of on the detail of each of these areas.
You asked a question about a bad deal—no deal or a bad deal. The problem is that the worst possible deal is no deal. That is the worst possible deal, and so there is a challenge here about being honest with each other about that, and the difficulties we have with the position being taken in negotiations. For example, the role of the European Court of Justice is a red line at present for the UK Government. That's problematic because of the range of issues that we talked about where there is co-operation across Europe, currently overseen by the ECJ. Now, other countries that have arrangements with the European Union sign up to formally agree how that oversight operates. If there's to be no oversight, then the default position is that we'll fall outside the arrangements that I know that you value, and, actually, I think the UK department for health values as well. So, the challenge is whether we can inject a dose of reality into the discussion, the debate and the negotiations.
From my point of view, when you talk also about things that aren't finalised, like the equivalence of qualifications, well, that isn't finalised. There is absolutely not a finalised position on that, and the points that I have made today are underscored, supported by and amplified by a range of other commentators within the field of health and social care, not party politicians. I'll give you some examples: the NHS Confederation working together with social care partners, the Academy of Medical Royal Colleges, the Royal College of Nursing and, indeed, the BMA as well. So, this is not an area where there is mischief making; this is an area of real, clear and present concern that has to be managed not just between health departments within the UK agreeing what we think matters, but actually it's for the UK Government to deliver a deal on Brexit and not to make sure that people who voted to leave or to remain are subjected to wholly unacceptable risks to their health that nobody voted for two years ago.
Diolch i chi am eich sylwadau. Mae pob un o'r materion a grybwyllais yn cael eu trafod rhwng y Llywodraethau yn y Deyrnas Unedig. Felly, mae trafodaeth adeiladol yn digwydd, ond rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n bwysig amlinellu'r ystod o risgiau sy'n bodoli cyn inni gyrraedd bargen derfynol. Ac o ran y materion a grybwyllwyd gennyf hyd yn hyn, nid oes yr un ohonyn nhw wedi eu cadarnhau ar gyfer y cyfnod ar ôl y cyfnod pontio; dyna'r her. Yn benodol, er enghraifft, rydych chi'n sôn am breswylio mwy hirdymor; mae cytundeb hyd at y cyfnod pontio, ond nid oes cytundeb ar ôl hynny. Felly, credaf ei bod hi'n gwbl briodol dweud bod y rhain yn faterion y mae angen eu datrys mewn unrhyw fargen derfynol ac nad ydyn nhw wedi eu datrys hyd yma. Nid yw hyn yn fater o greu helynt; rwy'n credu bod angen inni fod yn onest am yr ystod o risgiau fydd yn ein hwynebu os nad oes gennym ni fargen dda a gwybodaeth nad yw pobl yn aml yn ymwybodol ohoni o ran manylion pob un o'r meysydd hyn.
Fe wnaethoch chi ofyn cwestiwn am fargen wael—dim bargen neu fargen wael. Y broblem yw bod y fargen waethaf bosib yn gyfystyr â dim bargen. Dyna yw'r fargen waethaf bosib, ac felly ceir her yma ynglŷn â bod yn onest â'n gilydd am hynny, a'r anawsterau sydd gennym ni gyda'r safbwynt a arddelir yn y trafodaethau. Er enghraifft, mae swyddogaeth Llys Cyfiawnder Ewrop yn faen tramgwydd ar hyn o bryd i Lywodraeth y DU. Mae hynny'n peri problem oherwydd yr amrywiaeth o faterion y buom yn siarad amdanyn nhw ble ceir cydweithredu ar draws Ewrop, a gaiff ei oruchwylio ar hyn o bryd gan Lys Cyfiawnder Ewrop. Nawr, mae gwledydd eraill sydd â threfniadau gyda'r Undeb Ewropeaidd yn ymrwymo i gytuno'n ffurfiol sut mae'r oruchwyliaeth honno yn gweithredu. Os nad oes unrhyw oruchwylio, yna y sefyllfa anorfod yw y byddwn wedi ein heithrio o'r trefniadau rwy'n gwybod eich bod yn eu gwerthfawrogi, ac, mewn gwirionedd, y credaf fod adran iechyd y DU yn eu gwerthfawrogi hefyd. Felly, yr her yw p'un a allwn ni ddod ag ychydig o realiti i'r drafodaeth, y ddadl a'r negodiadau.
O'm rhan i, pan rydych chi'n sôn hefyd am bethau sydd ddim yn derfynol, fel cywerthedd cymwysterau, wel, nid yw hynny'n derfynol. Nid oes safbwynt terfynol o gwbl ynglŷn â hynny, ac mae'r sylwadau a wneuthum heddiw wedi eu pwysleisio, eu hategu a'u hymhelaethu arnynt gan amryw o sylwebyddion eraill yn y maes iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, nid gwleidyddion pleidiau. Fe rof i rai enghreifftiau i chi: Cydffederasiwn y GIG yn cydweithio â phartneriaid gofal cymdeithasol, Academi'r Colegau Meddygol Brenhinol, Y Coleg Nyrsio Brenhinol ac, yn wir, Cymdeithas Feddygol Prydain hefyd. Felly, nid yw hwn yn faes be mae pobl yn codi stŵr; mae hwn yn faes sy'n peri pryder gwirioneddol ac amlwg ar hyn o bryd y mae'n rhaid ei reoli nid yn unig o ran adrannau iechyd yn y DU yn cytuno ar yr hyn y credwn ni sy'n bwysig, ond mewn gwirionedd mae a wnelo hynny â Llywodraeth y DU yn sicrhau bargen ar gyfer Brexit ac nid gwneud yn siŵr fod pobl a bleidleisiodd i adael neu aros yn wynebu risgiau cwbl annerbyniol i'w hiechyd na bleidleisiodd neb drostynt ddwy flynedd yn ôl.
Thank you, Cabinet Secretary, for your statement today. It's a long list, isn't it, of things that, without question, pose a threat to the delivery of health and social care post Brexit. I was reading a Welsh NHS Confederation policy forum briefing earlier today, bringing together some of their main concerns: supply of workforce, the need for continued recognition of professional qualifications, protection of employment rights and patient rights, the need to continue to participate in EU collaborative programmes, making sure that regulatory alignment continues for the benefit of patients and the public's health, preserving reciprocal healthcare arrangements, ensuring robust co-ordination mechanisms on public health—it's a long, long list of areas and we couldn't possibly address all of them here today.
I don't know if you, Angela Burns, want to accuse me of mischief making also for being concerned about these areas, but coming off the back of Andrew R.T. Davies, the Welsh Conservative leader's totally inappropriate comments yesterday on Airbus, accusing them of making threats, you are doing yourselves a disservice and the Welsh public a disservice by being so blasé about the biggest threat that we have faced in modern times here in Wales.
Let me turn to a series of question to you, if I can, Cabinet Secretary. First of all, on the transport of medicines under Euratom and associated agreements, there are clearly two differing interpretations here. The first interpretation, held by the Association of the British Pharmaceutical Industry and also others working in the NHS, is that a 'no deal' Brexit is highly dangerous for patients, given the short shelf lives of the products we're talking about, making the need for seamless transport across borders essential. This makes it impossible to stockpile medicines and so on. The second interpretation held by the UK Government is that the nuclear safeguards Bill passing through Parliament now means that there is no problem. So, which interpretation do you agree with and what are your contingency plans for a 'no deal' Brexit if you agree with that first interpretation?
Secondly, turning to access to research networks and funding, what proactive steps—proactive steps—has your Government taken to ensure that our universities and our life sciences sector can continue to participate in these networks in the event of a hard Brexit? Or perhaps your Government is content to let the UK Government take those proactive steps.
On staffing, one issue that's particularly concerning to us is the fact that we have no data on the social care and independent sector workforce, and how that will be placed at risk through a hard Brexit. So, what steps are you taking to collect and evaluate this data?
Finally, my fourth question: we have to look at the indirect impact of things on the NHS; do you think that there's a threat to the NHS from different outcomes in trade negotiations, for example?
Diolch ichi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, am eich datganiad heddiw. Mae'n rhestr hir, on'd ydy, o'r pethau sydd, heb os, yn fygythiad i ddarparu gwasanaethau iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol ar ôl Brexit. Roeddwn yn darllen un o bapurau briffio fforwm polisi Cydffederasiwn GIG Cymru yn gynharach heddiw, oedd yn dwyn ynghyd rai o'u prif bryderon: darparu gweithlu, yr angen i barhau i gael cydnabyddiaeth o gymwysterau proffesiynol, amddiffyn hawliau cyflogaeth a hawliau cleifion, yr angen i barhau i gymryd rhan yn rhaglenni cydweithredol yr UE, a gwneud yn siŵr bod aliniad rheoleiddio yn parhau er budd cleifion ac iechyd y cyhoedd, gan gadw cyd-drefniadau gofal iechyd, gan sicrhau dulliau cydlynu cadarn ar gyfer iechyd y cyhoedd—mae'n rhestr hir, hir o feysydd ac ni fyddai posib inni ymdrin â phob un ohonyn nhw yma heddiw.
Wn i ddim a hoffech chi, Angela Burns, fy nghyhuddo i o godi stŵr hefyd am fod yn bryderus ynghylch y meysydd hyn, ond o ran sylwadau cwbl amhriodol Andrew R.T. Davies, arweinydd y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig, ddoe ynglŷn ag Airbus, yn eu cyhuddo o wneud bygythiadau, rydych chi'n gwneud anghymwynas â'ch hun ac yn gwneud anghymwynas â'r cyhoedd yng Nghymru drwy fod mor ddidaro ynghylch y bygythiad mwyaf yr ydym ni wedi'i wynebu yn yr oes fodern yma yng Nghymru.
Caniatewch imi holi cyfres o gwestiynau i chi, os caf i, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet. Yn gyntaf oll, ynglŷn â thrafnidiaeth meddyginiaethau o dan Euratom a chytundebau cysylltiedig, mae'n amlwg bod dau ddehongliad gwahanol ynglŷn â hyn. Y dehongliad cyntaf, sef safbwynt Cymdeithas Diwydiant Fferyllol Prydain a hefyd pobl eraill sy'n gweithio yn y GIG, yw bod Brexit 'dim bargen' yn beryglus iawn i gleifion, o ystyried natur fyrhoedlog y cynhyrchion yr ydych chi'n sôn amdanynt, sy'n gwneud yr angen ar gyfer trafnidiaeth ddi-dor ar draws ffiniau yn hanfodol. Mae hyn yn ei gwneud hi'n amhosib cronni meddyginiaethau ac ati. Yr ail ddehongliad, sef safbwynt Llywodraeth y DU, yw bod y Bil diogelwch niwclear sydd ar ei hynt drwy'r Senedd ar hyn o bryd yn golygu nad oes problem o gwbl. Felly, pa ddehongliad ydych chi'n cytuno ag ef a beth yw eich cynlluniau wrth gefn ar gyfer Brexit 'dim bargen' os ydych chi'n cytuno â'r dehongliad cyntaf hwnnw?
Yn ail, o ran gallu elwa ar rwydweithiau ymchwil a chyllid, pa gamau rhagweithiol—camau rhagweithiol—y mae eich Llywodraeth chi yn eu cymrud i sicrhau y gall ein prifysgolion a'n sector gwyddorau bywyd barhau i gymryd rhan yn y rhwydweithiau hyn os oes Brexit caled? Neu efallai bod eich Llywodraeth yn fodlon gadael i Lywodraeth y DU gymryd y camau rhagweithiol hynny.
O ran staffio, un mater sydd yn peri pryder arbennig i ni yw'r ffaith nad oes gennym ni ddata am weithlu'r sector annibynnol a gofal cymdeithasol, a sut y bydd hynny mewn perygl oherwydd Brexit caled. Felly, beth ydych chi'n ei wneud i gasglu a chloriannu'r data hwn?
Yn olaf, fy mhedwerydd cwestiwn: rhaid inni edrych ar effaith anuniongyrchol pethau ar y GIG; a ydych chi'n credu bod bygythiad i'r GIG o gael gwahanol ganlyniadau mewn negodiadau masnach, er enghraifft?
Thank you for all the questions. I want to reiterate that the Welsh Government continues to support our life sciences sector, research and innovation and we're working practically to see how we can participate in the future rounds of collaboration across Europe. That's a really significant risk for us. We're actually doing very well in terms of research collaboration at present and the amount of funding that UK-based organisations actually win. That is one of the biggest risks that we face if there isn't a sensible agreement, and that will require the United Kingdom to pay into those research and collaboration pots to be able to continue to participate in them. So, we're making our views absolutely clear on that, and the scientific community across the UK, not just in Wales, is nearly unanimous in its view of the essential nature of continuing to participate in those networks and the loss of people that will take place if a deal does not agree to do so.
I want to deal briefly with your point about the social care workforce, then I'll come back to trade, customs and Euratom at the same time, if I may. We recognise we have got a weakness in understanding our data about the current social care workforce and the number of non-UK workers, both European Union workers and those from outside the European Union too. That's why my officials are already working with Social Care Wales on a bid to the European transition fund to have a further amount of research to give us a fuller and more accurate picture of the workforce we currently have in the social care sector and, indeed, where they have come from, and, indeed, more recent trends of people who are and are not coming into that sector in the more recent past since the vote two years ago.
But I think your question on Euratom mirrors a number of points that I've made in other fora about the real risks of a 'no deal' arrangement. If there are barriers to trade, that will affect a wide range of things, so medicines, but Euratom is particularly important, and it's also one where both trade arrangements that are tariff free and a customs union really do matter. Any delays in the ports don't just affect perishable goods in the food supply, but, actually, radioisotopes are hugely important. Nuclear medicine and the ability to diagnose and to treat a range of conditions are hugely important to a modern health service. We import nearly all of the radioisotopes used within the health service right across the United Kingdom. Coming out of Euratom was not something that I ever heard in any part of any debate during the referendum two years ago, but apparently the United Kingdom Government are saying that that is what they wish to do. Well, coming out of that, given that we are less than a year away from EU exit day and transition, would be disastrous. In terms of nuclear medicine, it would have huge problems. It simply could not be replicated; we could not replicate the ability to supply and create those radioisotopes within the UK within that period of time, and the ability to transport them from elsewhere is limited. Because of the half-life of the radioisotopes that are created, actually, you have a limited period of time to make proper use of them.
It's one of these areas where there's got to be a dose of reality about what 'no deal' means. It means if you sign up to a no deal, you are basically saying the NHS, for a significant period of time, won't undertake these treatments. That would be wholly unacceptable in any and every part of the United Kingdom. So, it is yet another area where current United Kingdom Government red lines need to give way to reality and common sense, and our responsibility as elected representatives is to serve the best interests of our people and not to pretend that we aren't on a guaranteed crash course to do the very worst thing for health and social care here in Wales and, indeed, right across the United Kingdom.
Diolch ichi am yr holl gwestiynau. Hoffwn ailadrodd fod Llywodraeth Cymru yn parhau i gefnogi ein sector gwyddorau bywyd, ymchwil ac arloesedd, ac yn gweithio'n ymarferol i weld sut y gallwn ni gymryd rhan yng nghamau cydweithio'r dyfodol ledled Ewrop. Mae hynny'n risg sylweddol iawn i ni. Rydym ni mewn gwirionedd yn gwneud yn dda iawn o ran cydweithredu ar ymchwil ar hyn o bryd a faint o arian y mae sefydliadau yn y DU yn ei ennill mewn gwirionedd. Dyna un o'r risgiau mwyaf a wynebwn os nad oes cytundeb synhwyrol, a bydd hynny'n gofyn ar i'r Deyrnas Unedig dalu i'r cronfeydd ymchwil a chydweithio hynny i allu parhau i gymryd rhan ynddynt. Felly, rydym ni'n gwneud ein barn ar hynny yn gwbl glir, ac mae'r gymuned wyddonol ledled y DU, nid yn unig yng Nghymru, bron yn unfrydol yn ei barn o natur hanfodol parhau i gymryd rhan yn y rhwydweithiau hynny a'r ffaith y byddwn yn colli pobl os na fydd bargen yn cytuno i wneud hynny.
Hoffwn ymdrin yn fyr â'ch sylw am y gweithlu gofal cymdeithasol, yna byddaf yn dychwelyd i sôn am fasnach, tollau ac Euratom ar yr un pryd, os caf. Rydym yn cydnabod bod gennym ni wendid yn deall ein data am y gweithlu gofal cymdeithasol presennol a nifer y gweithwyr nad ydynt yn ddinasyddion y DU, sef gweithwyr o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd a'r rhai o'r tu allan i'r Undeb Ewropeaidd hefyd. Dyna pam mae fy swyddogion eisoes yn gweithio gyda Gofal Cymdeithasol Cymru ar gais i Gronfa Bontio'r Undeb Ewropeaidd fel y gwneir rhagor o ymchwil i roi inni ddarlun llawnach a mwy cywir o'r gweithlu sydd gennym ni ar hyn o bryd yn y sector gofal cymdeithasol ac, yn wir, o ble maen nhw'n tarddu, ac, yn wir, tueddiadau mwy diweddar o bobl sydd yn ac sydd ddim yn dod i mewn i'r sector yn y gorffennol mwy diweddar ers y bleidlais ddwy flynedd yn ôl.
Ond rwy'n credu bod eich cwestiwn ynglŷn ag Euratom yn adlewyrchu nifer o bwyntiau rwyf wedi eu gwneud mewn fforymau eraill am risgiau gwirioneddol trefniant 'dim bargen'. Os oes rhwystrau i fasnach, bydd hynny'n effeithio ar amrywiaeth eang o bethau, fel moddion, ond mae Euratom yn arbennig o bwysig, ac mae hefyd yn faes lle mae trefniadau masnach di-dariff ac undeb tollau o bwys mawr. Mae unrhyw oedi yn y porthladdoedd yn effeithio nid yn unig ar nwyddau darfodus yn y cyflenwad bwyd yn unig, ond, mewn gwirionedd, mae radioisotopau yn hynod o bwysig. Mae meddygaeth niwclear a'r gallu i wneud diagnosis ac i drin ystod o gyflyrau yn hynod o bwysig i'r gwasanaeth iechyd modern. Rydym ni'n mewnforio bron pob un o'r radioisotopau a ddefnyddir gan y gwasanaeth iechyd ledled y Deyrnas Unedig. Nid oedd ymadael ag Euratom yn rhywbeth y clywais erioed yn unrhyw ran o unrhyw ddadl yn ystod y refferendwm ddwy flynedd yn ôl, ond mae'n debyg bod Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig yn dweud mai dyna beth maen nhw eisiau ei wneud. Wel, byddai cefnu ar hynny, o ystyried ein bod lai na blwyddyn o'r diwrnod ymadael â'r UE a'r cyfnod pontio, yn drychinebus. O ran meddygaeth niwclear, byddai'n arwain at broblemau enfawr. Ni fyddai unrhyw fodd ei ddyblygu; ni allem ni ddyblygu'r gallu i gyflenwi a chreu'r radioisotopau hynny yn y DU o fewn y cyfnod hwnnw, ac mae'r gallu i'w cludo o fannau eraill yn gyfyngedig. Oherwydd hanner-oes y radioisotopau sy'n cael eu creu, mewn gwirionedd, mae gennych chi gyfnod cyfyngedig o amser i wneud defnydd priodol ohonynt.
Mae'n un o'r meysydd hyn ble mae angen bod yn realistig ynghylch beth mae 'dim bargen' yn ei olygu. Mae'n golygu os ydych chi'n ymrwymo i ddim bargen, rydych chi'n dweud yn y bôn, am gyfnod sylweddol o amser, na fydd y GIG yn rhoi'r triniaethau hyn. Byddai hynny'n gwbl annerbyniol mewn unrhyw a phob rhan o'r Deyrnas Unedig. Felly, mae'n faes arall lle mae angen i ystyfnigrwydd y Llywodraeth ildio i realiti a synnwyr cyffredin, a'n cyfrifoldeb ni fel cynrychiolwyr etholedig yw cyflawni'r hyn sydd orau i'n pobl ac nid i esgus nad ydym ni yn hwylio'n beryglus o agos at y gwynt i wneud y peth gwaethaf posib ar gyfer iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yma yng Nghymru ac, yn wir, ledled y Deyrnas Unedig.
Like the majority of the UK voting public, I voted to leave the EU, and my opinion hasn't changed. Our NHS was created long before the EU and will be here long after we leave. Are there risks? Yes, but no-one really expects that these risks won’t be addressed in a future deal.
We are leaving the EU, not Europe. Our continuing co-operation with European nations will continue, and I expect some will be strengthened. I agree that we have to ensure that medicines, equipment and staff should be free of restrictions wherever possible.
People are predicting that Brexit will lead to the collapse of our NHS because we will lose doctors and nurses. But let’s not forget that just over 2 per cent of NHS staff come from EU countries and just over 5 per cent of our doctors and nurses come from the European Union. The vast majority of our foreign-trained doctors come from the Indian sub-continent, followed by Egypt and Iraq. Cabinet Secretary, what discussions have you had with the UK Government about making it easier to recruit non-EU foreign-trained doctors and nurses following Brexit?
Cabinet Secretary, have you considered the risks to the future of health and social care in Wales of the UK remaining in the EU? After all, if it had been up to EU negotiators, our NHS would be at the mercy of large American corporations as a result of the transatlantic trade and investment partnership.
We need to be looking outward and not inward as we go forward. We live in an age where collaboration is taking place on a global scale. Science doesn’t see borders and if we are to tackle big challenges to our health and well-being, we have to co-operate on a global scale. The EU alone won’t tackle antimicrobial resistance. The EU alone won't combat cancer, heart disease or the obesity crisis. We have to work closer with all nations—EU and non-EU countries—to face these challenges. So, Cabinet Secretary, do you truly believe that it's in the EU's best interests to isolate the UK in the way you highlight in your statements? Although we have different opinions on Brexit, we do need to work together to ensure that our NHS and social care sectors do not suffer as a result of Brexit. I don't believe they will, unless the EU takes a political decision to punish the UK. So, it is in all our interests to ensure that this doesn't happen. Thank you.
Fel y mwyafrif o bleidleiswyr y DU, pleidleisiais i adael yr UE, ac nid yw fy marn wedi newid. Cafodd ein GIG ei greu ymhell cyn yr UE a bydd yma ymhell ar ôl inni adael. A oes unrhyw risgiau? Oes, ond nid oes unrhyw un mewn gwirionedd yn disgwyl na fydd y risgiau hyn yn cael sylw mewn bargen yn y dyfodol.
Rydym yn gadael yr UE, nid Ewrop. Bydd ein cydweithrediad parhaus â gwledydd Ewrop yn parhau, a disgwyliaf y bydd agweddau arno'n cryfhau. Rwy'n cytuno bod yn rhaid inni sicrhau nad oes unrhyw gyfyngiadau ar feddyginiaethau, offer a staff lle bo hynny'n bosib.
Mae pobl yn rhagweld y bydd Brexit yn arwain at gwymp ein GIG oherwydd y byddwn yn colli meddygon a nyrsys. Ond gadewch inni beidio anghofio mai ychydig dros 2 y cant o staff y GIG sy'n dod o wledydd yr UE ac ychydig dros 5 y cant o'n meddygon a'n nyrsys sy'n dod o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd. Mae mwyafrif helaeth ein meddygon sydd wedi eu hyfforddi dramor yn dod o is-gyfandir yr India, yna'r Aifft ac Irac. Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, pa drafodaethau ydych chi wedi eu cael gyda Llywodraeth y DU ynghylch ei gwneud hi'n haws i recriwtio meddygon a nyrsys sydd wedi'u hyfforddi dramor ond nid yn yr UE yn dilyn Brexit?
Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a ydych chi wedi ystyried y risgiau i ddyfodol iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yng Nghymru pe byddai'r DU yn aros yn yr UE? Wedi'r cyfan, pe bai negodwyr yr UE wedi cael eu ffordd, byddai ein GIG ar drugaredd corfforaethau mawr Americanaidd o ganlyniad i'r bartneriaeth masnach a buddsoddi trawsatlantig.
Mae angen inni fod yn edrych tuag allan nid i mewn wrth inni gamu i'r dyfodol. Rydym ni'n byw mewn oes lle mae cydweithio yn digwydd ar raddfa fyd-eang. Nid yw gwyddoniaeth yn gweld ffiniau ac os ydym ni eisiau mynd i'r afael â heriau sylweddol i'n hiechyd a'n lles, rhaid inni gydweithio ar raddfa fyd-eang. Ni fydd yr UE ar ei ben ei hun yn mynd i'r afael ag ymwrthedd gwrthficrobaidd. Ni fydd yr UE ar ei ben ei hun yn ymladd canser, clefyd y galon neu'r argyfwng gordewdra. Mae'n rhaid inni weithio'n agosach gyda phob cenedl—gwledydd yr UE a gwledydd nad ydynt yn yr UE—i wynebu'r heriau hyn. Felly, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, a ydych chi wir yn credu ei fod er budd pennaf yr UE i ynysu'r DU yn y ffordd a amlygir gennych chi yn eich datganiadau? Er bod gennym ni safbwyntiau gwahanol ynglŷn â Brexit, mae angen inni weithio gyda'n gilydd i sicrhau nad yw ein GIG a'r sector gofal cymdeithasol yn dioddef o ganlyniad i Brexit. Nid wyf yn credu y byddant, oni fydd yr UE yn gwneud penderfyniad gwleidyddol i gosbi'r DU. Felly, mae er budd pawb ohonom ni i sicrhau nad yw hyn yn digwydd. Diolch.
Thank you for the comments. I'm not surprised that you haven't changed your mind on leaving the European Union, but I would have thought that there would be a dose of reality, again, on what that actually means if we leave with a no deal or a hard Brexit. Look, on the workforce for the health service outside of the European Union, we've had a long and spirited correspondence and conversation between officials, with the United Kingdom Government, and, indeed, every organisation representing health and care staff right across the UK has called on the UK Government, for a long time, to change the environment or to change the rules around people being recruited into our health service. So, I welcome the u-turn announced by Sajid Javid to lift the tier 2 restrictions. That was a positive step forward, and that was always within the gift of the United Kingdom. It was the madness of having the Home Office say to the health service, 'You can't restrict the staff that you need, who you could recruit to meet our health and care needs, because we put an artificial cap on the numbers that can come in.' So, that's nothing to do with the European Union.
I just think, in terms of your suggestion that this is about the European Union punishing the United Kingdom, this basically comes down to, if you leave a club and you say, 'I don't want to play by the rules; I want all the benefits, but I'll then decide what else I want to do as well', then that is absolutely where we can't be. We have to have a range of measures that deal with the reality of European Union-wide institutions and rules, and if we want to benefit from those, then we will need to act in a way that is consistent, and have agreement about doing so.
On your point at the start of your speech, saying nobody wants medicines and equipment to have any restrictions—of course we want to be free of restrictions, but that requires us to have systems that allow us to do so. So, that is why arrangements around customs and trade do matter: 47 million pharmaceutical products each year go into the European Union, and about 39 million come back the other way. There's huge trade going on here between us and the rest of Europe, so the customs arrangements and trade arrangements really do matter in this area of activity too. They're underpinned by EU-wide systems in terms of how medicines and how equipment come into use within Europe. And there's a common centrepoint here: we either want that to continue, or we're prepared to bear restrictions that will cause real harm to people in our country. My view is we should not countenance that possibility. We should not wish to say it is acceptable to have an average six-month delay for new medicines to become available, as is directly the case now in Switzerland. I do not believe that would be acceptable. The Welsh Government does not believe that would be acceptable either.
Diolch ichi am y sylwadau. Dydw i ddim yn synnu nad ydych chi wedi newid eich meddwl o ran gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, ond byddwn wedi meddwl y byddech chi'n realistig, unwaith eto, ynglŷn â beth y mae hynny'n ei olygu mewn gwirionedd os ydym ni'n gadael gyda dim bargen neu Brexit caled. Ylwch, o ran y gweithlu ar gyfer y gwasanaeth iechyd o'r tu allan i'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, rydym ni wedi cael trafodaethau hir ac angerddol rhwng swyddogion, gyda Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig, ac, yn wir, mae pob sefydliad sy'n cynrychioli staff iechyd a gofal ar draws y DU wedi galw ar Lywodraeth y DU, am amser hir, i newid y sefyllfa neu i newid y rheolau ynghylch pobl yn cael eu recriwtio i'n gwasanaeth iechyd. Felly, croesawaf y tro pedol a gyhoeddwyd gan Sajid Javid i ddiddymu'r cyfyngiadau haen 2. Roedd hynny yn gam cadarnhaol ymlaen, ac roedd bob amser o fewn haelioni’r Deyrnas Unedig. Roedd a wnelo hyn ag ynfydrwydd y Swyddfa Gartref yn dweud wrth y gwasanaeth iechyd, 'allwch chi ddim cyfyngu ar y staff y mae eu hangen arnoch chi, y gallech chi eu recriwtio i ddiwallu ein hanghenion iechyd a gofal, oherwydd rydym ni wedi rhoi terfyn artiffisial ar y niferoedd sy'n gallu dod i mewn.' Felly, nid oes a wnelo hynny â'r Undeb Ewropeaidd o gwbl.
Ond rwy'n credu, o ran eich awgrym bod a wnelo hyn â'r Undeb Ewropeaidd yn cosbi'r Deyrnas Unedig, yn y bôn mae a wnelo hyn â, os ydych chi'n gadael clwb, a'ch bod yn dweud, 'does arnaf i ddim eisiau chwarae yn ôl y rheolau; rwyf eisiau'r holl fuddion, ond fe wnaf i benderfynu wedyn beth arall rwyf eisiau ei wneud hefyd', yna dyna'r union sefyllfa na allwn ni fod ynddi. Mae'n rhaid inni gael amrywiaeth o fesurau sy'n ymwneud â realiti sefydliadau a rheolau yr Undeb Ewropeaidd gyfan, ac os ydym ni eisiau elwa ar y rhai hynny, yna bydd angen inni weithredu mewn ffordd sy'n gyson, a chael cytundeb ynglŷn â gwneud hynny.
O ran eich sylw ar ddechrau eich araith, pan wnaethoch chi ddweud nad oes neb eisiau unrhyw gyfyngiadau ar feddyginiaethau ac offer—wrth gwrs nad oes arnom ni eisiau cyfyngiadau, ond mae angen inni gael systemau sy'n caniatáu inni wneud hynny. Felly, dyna pam mae trefniadau ynghylch tollau tramor a masnach o bwys: Mae 47 miliwn o gynhyrchion fferyllol bob blwyddyn yn mynd i'r Undeb Ewropeaidd, a daw tua 39 miliwn yn ôl y ffordd arall. Mae masnach enfawr yn digwydd yma rhyngom ni a gweddill Ewrop, felly mae'r trefniadau tollau a'r trefniadau masnach wirioneddol o bwys yn y maes hwn o weithgarwch hefyd. Maen nhw wedi eu hategu gan systemau ledled yr UE o ran sut mae meddyginiaethau a sut mae offer yn cael eu defnyddio yn Ewrop. Ac mae canolbwynt cyffredin yma: naill ai rydym ni eisiau i hynny barhau, neu rydym ni'n fodlon ysgwyddo cyfyngiadau a fydd yn achosi niwed gwirioneddol i bobl yn ein gwlad. Fy marn i yw na ddylem ni oddef y posibilrwydd hwnnw. Ddylem ni ddim fod eisiau dweud ei bod hi'n dderbyniol i orfod disgwyl chwe mis ar gyfartaledd nes fo meddyginiaethau newydd ar gael, fel yw'r achos bellach yn y Swistir. Nid wyf yn credu y byddai hynny'n dderbyniol. Nid yw Llywodraeth Cymru yn credu y byddai hynny'n dderbyniol chwaith.
Can I thank you, Cabinet Secretary, for this statement setting out clearly the potential risks to the NHS in Wales that Brexit presents? I have to say, I don't agree with Angela Burns that this is about scaring people. I think it is about facing the reality and preparing people for it, and I think not to do so would be irresponsible. I certainly don't want our Government to be as complacent about this issue as, clearly, the UK Government, the Conservatives and UKIP are.
Rhun is absolutely right: there is a long list of issues that we've got to face here, and he mentioned one in particular that I think carries one of the most significant risks from the uncertainties surrounding Brexit, and that is the UK's participation in the hugely important, European-wide clinical trials, the science and research, and the potential impact that that's going to have on the growing life sciences sector in Wales. I know that you did touch on that in your reply to Rhun, but I think it's worth noting that this has also been highlighted by a number of organisations, not least of which is the Academy of Medical Royal Colleges, who identified that the UK received something in the region of €8.8 billion in EU research funding between 2007 and 2013, despite only contributing €5.4 billion ourselves. So, the UK research funding was a net beneficiary to the tune of €3.5 billion, and €40 million of that alone went into cancer research.
So, given that continued access to EU research and development networks must be a key outcome of the Brexit negotiations, can you say a bit more about the steps that Welsh Government is taking to ensure that the UK Government includes that specifically in the final Brexit deal? If that is not achieved again, how specifically are you planning to militate against this, particularly given your indications that officials are engaged in discussions around the potentials of a 'no deal' scenario?
A gaf i ddiolch i chi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, am y datganiad hwn sy'n nodi'r glir y risgiau posib i'r GIG yng Nghymru a allai ddod yn sgil Brexit? Mae'n rhaid imi ddweud, dydw i ddim yn cytuno gydag Angela Burns fod a wnelo hyn â dychryn pobl. Rwy'n credu fod â wnelo hyn â wynebu'r realiti a pharatoi pobl ar gyfer hynny, a byddai peidio â gwneud hynny yn anghyfrifol. Yn sicr dydw i ddim eisiau i'n Llywodraeth ni fod mor ddidaro am y mater hwn ag, yn amlwg, y mae Llywodraeth y DU, y Ceidwadwyr ac UKIP.
Mae Rhun yn llygad ei le: mae rhestr hir o faterion y mae'n rhaid inni eu hwynebu yma, a soniodd am un yn arbennig sydd, rwy'n credu, yn un o'r risgiau mwyaf sylweddol sy'n deillio o'r ansicrwydd ynglŷn â Brexit, a hynny yw cyfranogiad y DU yn y treialon clinigol hynod bwysig sy'n digwydd ledled Ewrop, y wyddoniaeth a'r ymchwil, ac effaith bosib hynny ar y sector gwyddorau bywyd sy'n tyfu yng Nghymru. Rwy'n gwybod y gwnaethoch chi sôn am hynny yn eich ateb i Rhun, ond rwy'n credu ei bod hi'n werth nodi bod hyn hefyd wedi ei amlygu gan nifer o sefydliadau, gan gynnwys Academi'r Colegau Brenhinol Meddygol, a ddywedodd y cafodd y DU oddeutu €8.8 biliwn mewn cyllid ymchwil gan yr UE rhwng 2007 a 2013, er gwaetha'r ffaith ein bod ond yn cyfrannu €5.4 biliwn ein hunain. Felly, o ran cyllid ymchwil y DU, roedd budd net o €3.5 biliwn, ac aeth €40 miliwn o hynny yn unig ar ymchwil canser.
Felly, o ystyried bod yn rhaid i'r gallu i fanteisio ar rwydweithiau ymchwil a datblygu yr UE barhau i fod yn un o ganlyniadau allweddol y negodiadau Brexit, allwch chi ddweud ychydig mwy am yr hyn y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud i sicrhau bod Llywodraeth y DU yn cynnwys hynny yn benodol yn rownd derfynol bargen Brexit? Os na chyflawnir hyn eto, pa mor benodol ydych chi'n cynllunio i filwrio yn erbyn hyn, yn enwedig o ystyried eich awgrymiadau bod swyddogion yn rhan o drafodaethau ynghylch y posibilrwydd o gael sefyllfa 'dim bargen'?
Thank you for the questions. It comes back to the challenge of how responsible the United Kingdom Government are prepared to be, both in the negotiation on the terms of a deal to leave the European Union, but also about what then happens afterwards with the way that funding is used within the United Kingdom.
I think part of the challenge is that there's a question about money. There's also a question about knowledge as well. So, we do overachieve, from a United Kingdom point of view, in a way that research moneys are allocated, and I think it would be incredibly difficult to replicate that sum of money without a UK Government willingness to put extra funding into the research community here. Thus far, it's been difficult to persuade the United Kingdom Government to give any sort of commitment on those terms, let alone for the Governments of the United Kingdom to have a role in helping to design that framework. But, actually, I'm just as worried about people who are mobile and who are sought-after and desirable people when it comes to other countries as well, and the opportunity to carry on working in your chosen field or speciality, the real expertise you can have, and for people to go to other parts of the world. We actually attract people into this country because of the research expertise that we have. And those people: there is every prospect that we will lose some of them and the knowledge that they have—not just the money, but the knowledge that they have—to other countries. In particular, of course, the irony is that many of these people actually come from within the European Union to come to institutions here within the United Kingdom. So, we should not assume those people are guaranteed to stay regardless of what happens in terms of the deal, regardless of the funding.
I'll make one further point about what you mentioned about clinical trials. The European Union is about to have a European Union-wide framework of clinical trials, where people enter from different parts of Europe to make that collaboration easier. The United Kingdom helped to write the rules for that. We help to design that framework to make it easier to do so. If we then place ourselves outside it, we make it even more difficult to take part, even less likely we'll be able to take part, and that will disadvantage people here in Wales and the rest of the United Kingdom. That's why I say there has to be a dose of reality and some honesty about not agreeing a deal, and what that means, because, very quickly, we will see the suffering that we will cause, and it's all wholly avoidable.
Diolch ichi am y cwestiynau. Mae a wnelo hyn â'r her o ba mor gyfrifol y mae Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig yn barod i fod, o ran negodi telerau bargen i adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, ond mae a wnelo ef hefyd â beth sy'n digwydd wedyn gyda'r ffordd y caiff y cyllid hwnnw ei ddefnyddio yn y Deyrnas Unedig.
Rwy'n credu mai rhan o'r her yw bod yna gwestiwn am arian. Mae cwestiwn hefyd ynghylch gwybodaeth. Felly, rydym ni yn gorgyflawni, o safbwynt y Deyrnas Unedig, o ran sut y caiff arian ymchwil ei ddyrannu, ac rwy'n credu y byddai hi'n eithriadol o anodd cael swm cyfatebol o arian heb barodrwydd Llywodraeth y DU i roi cyllid ychwanegol ar gyfer y maes ymchwil. Hyd yma, mae hi wedi bod yn anodd darbwyllo Llywodraeth y Deyrnas Unedig i roi unrhyw fath o ymrwymiad ar y telerau hynny, heb sôn am i Lywodraethau y Deyrnas Unedig fod â rhan yn helpu i ddylunio'r fframwaith hwnnw. Ond, mewn gwirionedd, rwyf yr un mor bryderus am bobl sy'n gallu symud i weithio, ac sy'n bobl y byddai gwledydd eraill yn eu chwenychu ac yn dymuno eu cael hefyd, a'r cyfle i barhau i weithio yn y maes neu'r arbenigedd yr ydych wedi'i ddewis, yr arbenigedd gwirioneddol sydd gennych chi, ac i bobl fynd i rannau eraill o'r byd. Rydym ni mewn gwirionedd yn denu pobl i'r wlad hon oherwydd yr arbenigedd ymchwil sydd gennym ni. A'r bobl hynny: mae'n debygol y byddwn yn colli rhai ohonyn nhw a'r wybodaeth sydd ganddynt—nid yn unig yr arian, ond yr wybodaeth sydd ganddynt—i wledydd eraill. Yn benodol, wrth gwrs, yr eironi yw bod llawer o'r bobl hyn yn dod o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd i ddod i sefydliadau yma yn y Deyrnas Unedig. Felly, ni ddylem ni dybio y bydd y bobl hynny yn sicr o aros waeth beth sy'n digwydd o ran y fargen, waeth beth fo'r cyllid.
Fe wnaf i un sylw arall am yr hyn y gwnaethoch chi sôn amdano o ran treialon clinigol. Mae'r Undeb Ewropeaidd ar fin cael fframwaith o dreialon clinigol ar gyfer yr Undeb Ewropeaidd yn ei gyfanrwydd, lle daw pobl o wahanol rannau o Ewrop i hwyluso'r cydweithredu hwnnw. Helpodd y Deyrnas Unedig i ysgrifennu'r rheolau ar gyfer hynny. Rydym ni'n helpu i ddylunio'r fframwaith hwnnw fel ei bod hi'n haws gwneud hynny. Os ydym ni wedyn yn ein heithrio ein hunain ohono, rydym yn ei gwneud hi hyd yn oed yn fwy anodd i gymryd rhan, hyd yn oed yn llai tebygol y byddwn yn gallu cymryd rhan, ac y byddwn yn rhoi pobl yma yng Nghymru a gweddill y Deyrnas Unedig o dan anfantais. Dyna pam rwy'n dweud bod angen ychydig o realiti ac ychydig o onestrwydd ynghylch peidio â chytuno ar fargen, a beth yw ystyr hynny, oherwydd, yn gyflym iawn, byddwn yn gweld y dioddefaint y byddwn yn ei achosi, ac mae modd ei osgoi yn llwyr.
Thank you very much. We have had one speaker from each of the parties, and therefore I have three more speakers. So, I'm going to ask you just to give a brief introduction and one or possibly two very short, succinct questions, please. Suzy Davies.
Diolch yn fawr iawn. Rydym ni wedi cael un siaradwr o bob un o'r pleidiau, ac felly mae gennyf dri siaradwr arall. Felly, rwy'n mynd i ofyn i chi roi cyflwyniad byr a gofyn o bosib un neu ddau gwestiwn cryno, byr iawn, os gwelwch yn dda. Suzy Davies.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Thank you for your statement. I think it might have been just been a little bit more balanced if you had mentioned the £1.3 billion innovation fund that was mentioned by the UK Government. There are other ways of dealing with some of the challenges that you raised here without being quite so gloomy about it. What I wanted to ask you specifically was: this is 'Brexit—the Risks for the Future of Health and Social Care in Wales'—I can't really see anything in your statement about social care, and I'm hoping that this is not going to be a recurring theme when we're talking about the integration agenda. So, I'm wondering if you can tell me particularly which of the current European programmes to which we might have access after Brexit you might like us to buy into, which might be of advantage for social care innovation and knowledge, and, secondly, whether you can give us some indication of how you've reached the figure you think that we have for the number of EU nationals currently working in social care. I appreciate that, because we don't have registration, that's difficult, but I'm quite curious to know where you got the figure from because a simple extrapolation from a UK figure won't be accurate, bearing in mind that 12 per cent of the EU national care workforce works in London, and only 2 per cent works in the north-east of England, for example. Thank you.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Diolch i chi am eich datganiad. Rwy'n credu y gallai fod wedi bod ychydig yn fwy cytbwys pe byddech chi wedi sôn am y gronfa arloesi £1.3 biliwn a grybwyllwyd gan Lywodraeth y DU. Mae yna ffyrdd eraill o ymdrin â rhai o'r heriau a grybwyllwyd gennych chi heb fod mor ddigalon am y peth. Yr hyn yr oeddwn i eisiau ei ofyn yn benodol i chi oedd: testun y ddadl hon yw 'Brexit—Y Risgiau i Ddyfodol Iechyd a Gofal Cymdeithasol yng Nghymru'— ni allaf weld unrhyw beth yn eich datganiad mewn gwirionedd ynglŷn â gofal cymdeithasol, ac rwy'n gobeithio na fydd hyn yn thema gyson pan rydym ni'n sôn am yr agenda integreiddio. Felly, meddwl wyf i tybed a allwch chi ddweud wrthyf yn arbennig pa rai o'r rhaglenni Ewropeaidd presennol a allai fod ar gael inni ar ôl Brexit yr hoffech chi efallai i ni ymrwymo iddynt, a allai fod o fantais i feithrin arloesedd a gwybodaeth yn y maes gofal cymdeithasol, ac, yn ail, p'un a allwch chi roi rhyw awgrym o sut gawsoch chi'r ffigur y credwch chi sydd gennym ni ar gyfer nifer gwladolion yr UE sy'n gweithio yn y maes gofal cymdeithasol ar hyn o bryd. Rwy'n sylweddoli, oherwydd nad oes gennym ni gofrestr, bod hynny'n anodd, ond rwy'n eithaf awyddus i wybod o le cawsoch chi'r ffigur oherwydd ni fydd rhagdybiaeth syml yn seiliedig ar ffigur y DU yn gywir, o gofio bod 12 y cant o weithlu gofal cenedlaethol yr UE yn gweithio yn Llundain, a dim ond 2 y cant yn gweithio yng ngogledd-ddwyrain Lloegr, er enghraifft. Diolch.
I've already said in answers to other questions that we are reviewing the workforce data here because we want to more easily understand the number of European Union nationals who work in the social care workforce here. But you and I will know, if you visit a range of residential care facilities in particular, you will meet people from across the globe, and lots of European Union nationals are undertaking that. That's why we're undertaking the research to understand and have a more accurate picture. Indeed, when it comes to the field of research, we are talking about health and social care research as well. So, that knowledge is shared because we want to see a developing area of social care research.
At present, Health and Care Research Wales is deliberately going and choosing to look at social care priorities, and as you and I both know, from a health and social care point of view, a range of these challenges don't neatly recognise the boundaries that we currently draw in the way that health and social care work. So, in almost all of those fields of activity and expertise you will see a social care contribution that is potentially lost in not having a similar expertise to be shared within Europe. But I really do think that it's something of a stretch to say that this would cast any doubt on the integration agenda in the plan that we have actually set out for the future of health and social care in Wales. We are taking that forward with vigour and with real positivity from our colleagues in the social care sector. We're going to take a series of meetings with health boards and local authorities together through the rest of the summer.
Rwyf eisoes wedi dweud wrth ateb cwestiynau eraill ein bod yn adolygu data am y gweithlu oherwydd bod arnom ni eisiau deall yn well faint o wladolion yr Undeb Ewropeaidd sy'n gweithio yma yn y gweithlu gofal cymdeithasol. Ond rydych chi a minnau'n gwybod, os ydych chi'n ymweld ag amrywiaeth o gyfleusterau gofal preswyl yn benodol, byddwch yn cyfarfod pobl o ledled y byd, ac mae llawer o wladolion yr Undeb Ewropeaidd yn gwneud y gwaith hwnnw. Dyna pam rydym ni'n gwneud ymchwil i ddeall ac i gael darlun mwy cywir. Yn wir, gyda'r maes ymchwil, rydym ni'n sôn am ymchwil iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol hefyd. Felly, caiff yr wybodaeth honno ei rhannu oherwydd rydym ni eisiau gweld y maes ymchwil gofal cymdeithasol yn datblygu.
Ar hyn o bryd, mae Ymchwil Iechyd a Gofal Cymru yn fwriadol mynd ati ac yn dewis edrych ar flaenoriaethau gofal cymdeithasol, ac fel y gwyddoch chi a minnau, o safbwynt iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, nid yw amryw o'r heriau hyn yn cydnabod y ffiniau taclus rydym ni ar hyn o bryd yn eu llunio o ran y ffordd y mae iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yn gweithio. Felly, bron ym mhob un o'r meysydd hynny o weithgarwch ac arbenigedd byddwch yn gweld cyfraniad gofal cymdeithasol fydd o bosib yn cael ei golli o beidio â chael arbenigedd tebyg i'w rannu yn Ewrop. Ond rwy'n wirioneddol gredu mai gormodiaith braidd yw dweud y byddai hyn yn bwrw unrhyw amheuaeth ar yr agenda integreiddio yn y cynllun yr ydym ni mewn gwirionedd wedi ei amlinellu ar gyfer dyfodol iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yng Nghymru. Rydym ni'n datblygu hynny gydag egni a gydag agwedd wirioneddol gadarnhaol gan ein cydweithwyr yn y sector gofal cymdeithasol. Byddwn yn cynnal cyfres o gyfarfodydd gyda byrddau iechyd ac awdurdodau drwy weddill yr haf.
I thank the Cabinet Secretary for his statement today, although I am surprised that, in his statement, there's a failure to refer to the potential risks of international trade deals should we leave the European customs union. Surely the biggest threat facing the founding principles of the NHS as it approaches its seventieth year is that of new international trade deals led by Dr Liam Fox.
In the last few weeks we've seen the President of the United States openly state that his aim in trade talks with the UK will be to impose higher prices on drugs in order to slash prescription prices in the US and put 'American patients first'. So, future trade deals, if we're dragged out of the customs union, will have an enormous impact on Welsh patients, and if the President of the United States has his way, will put huge pressure, I believe, on the free prescriptions policy we are rightly proud of here in Wales. That's not scaremongering. I think that's a simple, logical fact.
The Cabinet Secretary will therefore understand my disbelief upon learning that his colleague the economy Secretary has said that he's content with Welsh Government being 'in the room next door' when devolved matters are being discussed in future trade talks. In a letter that I have to the Chair of the House of Commons International Trade Committee, his colleague the Cabinet Secretary says, and I quote,
'in areas of devolved competence Welsh Government should be part of the negotiations—whether that is "in the room" or "in the room next door"'.
Isn't this a rather feeble position to hold? Surely a Labour Government would be prepared to break down doors to be in talks on the future of the national health service, particularly with the threats that we are facing from a very different agenda in Westminster. So, my question directly to the Cabinet Secretary is this: doesn't he want to be right there at the heart of future trade negotiations when the future of the Welsh NHS is at stake?
Diolch i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet am ei ddatganiad heddiw, er fy mod yn synnu, yn ei ddatganiad, bod methiant i gyfeirio at risgiau posib cytundebau masnachu rhyngwladol pe byddem yn gadael yr undeb tollau Ewropeaidd. Siawns mai'r bygythiad mwyaf sy'n wynebu egwyddorion sylfaenol y GIG wrth iddo nesáu at ei ben-blwydd yn 70 yw cytundebau masnach rhyngwladol newydd dan arweiniad Dr Liam Fox.
Yn ystod yr ychydig wythnosau diwethaf rydym ni wedi gweld Arlywydd yr Unol Daleithiau yn datgan yn agored mai ei nod mewn trafodaethau masnach gyda'r DU yw gosod prisiau uwch ar gyffuriau er mwyn lleihau prisiau presgripsiynau yn yr Unol Daleithiau a rhoi 'cleifion Americanaidd yn gyntaf '. Felly, bydd cytundebau masnach yn y dyfodol, os cawn ni ein llusgo o'r undeb tollau, yn cael effaith enfawr ar gleifion yng Nghymru, ac os caiff Arlywydd yr Unol Daleithiau ei ffordd, bydd yn rhoi pwysau enfawr, rwy'n credu, ar y polisi presgripsiynau am ddim yr ydym ni'n falch iawn ohono yng Nghymru, a hynny'n briodol hefyd. Nid codi bwganod mo hynny. Rwy'n credu fod hynny'n ffaith syml, resymegol.
Bydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet felly yn deall fy anghrediniaeth o ddysgu bod ei gyd-Aelod, Ysgrifennydd yr economi, wedi dweud ei fod yn fodlon bod Llywodraeth Cymru 'yn yr ystafell drws nesaf' pan gaiff materion datganoledig eu trafod yn nhrafodaethau masnach y dyfodol. Mewn llythyr sydd gennyf at Gadeirydd Pwyllgor Masnach Rhyngwladol Tŷ'r Cyffredin, mae ei gyd-Aelod, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, yn dweud:
mewn meysydd o gymhwysedd datganoledig, dylai Llywodraeth Cymru fod yn rhan o'r trafodaethau—boed hynny 'yn yr ystafell' neu 'yn yr ystafell drws nesaf'.
Onid yw hyn yn safbwynt tila braidd i'w arddel? Siawns na fyddai Llywodraeth Lafur yn barod i chwalu'r drysau i fod mewn trafodaethau ar ddyfodol y Gwasanaeth Iechyd Gwladol, yn enwedig gyda'r bygythiadau sy'n ein hwynebu gydag agenda wahanol iawn yn San Steffan. Felly, fy nghwestiwn uniongyrchol i Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yw hyn: onid oes arno eisiau bod wrth wraidd negodiadau masnach y dyfodol pan fo dyfodol y GIG yng Nghymru yn y fantol?
I think the key point from the economy Secretary there is that we expect to be involved in any negotiations in devolved areas, and that's the point: we expect to be involved. We expect to have a say with other Governments within the United Kingdom, and it's about developing a maturing relationship here within the United Kingdom as much as anything else.
I would, though, agree—. Look, the point about Liam Fox—when people say, 'You're scaremongering talking about no deal. Of course there'll be a deal', well, actually, he's the Cabinet Minister who was openly talking about the prospect of no deal and the fact that that must be on the table. He's the person who raises the spectre of these deals with other parts of the world that would be wholly unacceptable and damaging to a range of industries here in Wales, and public services, and indeed in our economy. I've also heard comments from not just the President of the United States, but other US officials that he has appointed, on wanting to try and change the nature of the relationship on drug pricing within the United States, and to try and make other people pay more for those commodities.
So, I recognise that there are real risks to other arrangements. I've also set out, in answer to other questions here, about the risks that we face if we are not able to secure tariff-free trade and a proper customs union arrangement.
Rwy'n credu mai'r pwynt allweddol y mae Ysgrifennydd yr economi yn ei wneud yn y fan yna yw ein bod yn disgwyl bod yn rhan o unrhyw drafodaethau mewn meysydd datganoledig, a dyna'r pwynt: rydym ni'n disgwyl cael ein cynnwys. Rydym ni'n disgwyl cael dweud ein dweud gyda Llywodraethau eraill yn y Deyrnas Unedig, ac mae a wnelo hynny â datblygu perthynas gynyddol aeddfed yma yn y Deyrnas Unedig cymaint ag unrhyw beth arall.
Byddwn, fodd bynnag, yn cytuno—. Ylwch, y sylw ynglŷn â Liam Fox—pan fydd pobl yn dweud, 'rydych chi'n codi bwganod yn sôn am ddim bargen. Wrth gwrs bydd bargen', wel, mewn gwirionedd, ef yw'r Gweinidog Cabinet oedd yn sôn yn agored am y posibilrwydd o ddim bargen a'r ffaith bod yn rhaid i hynny fod yn ystyriaeth. Ef yw'r un sy'n codi'r bwganod hyn am fargeinion gyda rhannau eraill o'r byd a fyddai'n gwbl annerbyniol a niweidiol i amrywiaeth o ddiwydiannau yma yng Nghymru, a gwasanaethau cyhoeddus, ac yn wir i'n heconomi. Rwyf hefyd wedi clywed sylwadau gan nid yn unig Arlywydd yr Unol Daleithiau, ond swyddogion eraill yn yr Unol Daleithiau y mae wedi eu penodi, ynglŷn â bod eisiau ceisio newid natur perthynas prisio cyffuriau yn yr Unol Daleithiau, ac i geisio gwneud i bobl eraill dalu mwy am y nwyddau hynny.
Felly, rwy'n cydnabod bod risgiau gwirioneddol i drefniadau eraill. Rwyf hefyd wedi amlinellu, mewn ateb i gwestiynau eraill, y risgiau sy'n ein hwynebu os nad ydym ni'n gallu sicrhau masnach di-dariff a threfniant undeb tollau priodol.
Thank you. Finally, Joyce Watson.
Diolch. Yn olaf, Joyce Watson.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Just for the record, between 2017 and 2018, 3,962 nurses from the European economic area left nursing, according to the Nursing and Midwifery Council's register, and they were replaced by just 805. That is the lowest level of recruitment to date, so I think we need to make it clear that this isn't scaremongering—these are actual figures.
The good news in this is that those numbers have remained fairly stable in Wales since the talk of Brexit, but I think that we really need to make it clear that these threats are real, they are already starting to happen, and that isn't to mention the effects that it can have on doctors, healthcare support workers, catering staff, housekeepers and porters, because they are all part of keeping the NHS going, and each one of them performs a vital role. So, I suppose my question to you, Cabinet Secretary, is: having managed to hold on to our nursing staff so far, how do you think that we can sustain that going forward, especially if we end up with a 'no deal'?
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Dim ond i ddweud, rhwng 2017 a 2018, gadawodd 3,962 o nyrsys o'r ardal economaidd Ewropeaidd y proffesiwn nyrsio, yn ôl cofrestr y Cyngor Nyrsio a Bydwreigiaeth, ac fe ddaeth dim ond 805 yn eu lle. Dyna'r lefel isaf o recriwtio hyd yma, felly rwy'n credu bod angen inni ei gwneud hi'n glir nad codi bwganod yw hyn—mae'r rhain yn ffigurau go iawn.
Y newyddion da yn hyn o beth yw bod y niferoedd hynny wedi aros yn gymharol sefydlog yng Nghymru ers y sôn am Brexit, ond rwy'n credu bod gwir angen inni ei gwneud hi'n glir bod y bygythiadau hyn yn real, maen nhw eisoes yn dechrau digwydd, ac mae hynny heb sôn am yr effeithiau y gallai hynny ei gael ar feddygon, gweithwyr cymorth gofal iechyd, staff arlwyo, staff cadw tŷ a phorthorion, oherwydd maen nhw i gyd yn rhan o gynnal y GIG, ac mae pob un ohonyn nhw yn cyflawni swyddogaeth hanfodol. Felly, fy nghwestiwn i chi, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet, mae'n debyg yw: ar ôl llwyddo i ddal gafael ar ein staff nyrsio hyd yma, sut ydych chi'n credu y gallwn ni gynnal hynny yn y dyfodol, yn enwedig os cawn ni 'ddim bargen' yn y pen draw?
I think you're right to point out the catastrophic fall that has taken place already in nurses from the European Union and wider economic area working here in the United Kingdom. It largely affects England at present, but that's the point: at present. We can't pretend that if this continues, if we don't have a greater deal of sense in the way that our future arrangements work, that we will not be adversely affected here as well.
For all that we wish to do, and we're committed to do, to increase the nursing workforce here—I think there's been a 67 per cent increase in nurse training in the last five years or so, so we're putting our money where our mouth is in training the next generation; and the bursary as well is keeping people here in Wales, is keeping people within the NHS here in Wales after they've completed their training—there'll be an even greater imperative to do so if we end up with no deal, because our ability to recruit European Union based nurses will have been made even more difficult.
I find it really striking that when you go to meet representatives of nurses, whether they're in Unison, the Royal College of Nursing or other trade unions, they're genuinely worried about the prospects for their profession's future if we leave. They see colleagues who are already openly talking about not being welcome and who are thinking that they're going to leave because they're worried about future arrangements.
In England, part of the response has been to change some of the roles. They're bringing in a new grade that they're calling nurses associates. The chief nursing officers outside England think that that is role substitution, and that what they're really doing is trying to take off duties that could and should be undertaken by registered nurses, to be undertaken by people who are not at that professional grade. We have a different answer. We have a proper network of healthcare support workers—someone in this room helped to negotiate that framework for them to have a proper career path as well. We need to continue to do it, to develop our own workforce here, but I couldn't honestly say to anyone in this room from any party that if we leave the European Union with no deal that we'll be able to avoid the consequences of that in terms of our workforce and who we have. It will involve the money that we spend—that we're prepared to spend—and, frankly, the jobs that our people are prepared to undertake within the wider health and social care field.
So, the risks are real. No-one should ignore them. They should recognise that without a proper deal, we will have to face those awful consequences and even more difficult choices.
Rwy'n credu eich bod yn iawn i nodi'r cwymp trychinebus sydd wedi digwydd eisoes yn nifer y nyrsys o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd a'r ardal economaidd ehangach sy'n gweithio yma yn y Deyrnas Unedig. I raddau helaeth mae'n effeithio ar Loegr ar hyn o bryd, ond dyna'r pwynt: ar hyn o bryd. Ni allwn esgus os bydd hyn yn parhau, os nad oes gennym ni fwy o synnwyr yn y ffordd y mae ein trefniadau yn gweithio yn y dyfodol, na fydd effaith andwyol arnom ni yma hefyd.
Er gwaetha'r hyn y dymunwn ei wneud, ac rydym wedi ymrwymo i'w wneud, i gynyddu'r gweithlu nyrsio yma—rwy'n credu y bu cynnydd o 67 y cant mewn hyfforddiant nyrsio yn ystod y pum mlynedd diwethaf fwy neu lai, felly rydym ni'n gwneud nid dweud drwy hyfforddi’r genhedlaeth nesaf; ac mae'r bwrsari hefyd yn cadw pobl yma yng Nghymru, yn cadw pobl yn y GIG yma yng Nghymru ar ôl iddyn nhw orffen eu hyfforddiant—bydd mwy o reidrwydd nag erioed i wneud hynny os na chawn ni fargen yn y pen draw, oherwydd bydd hi'n anos fyth i recriwtio nyrsys o'r Undeb Ewropeaidd.
Mae'n fy nharo wrth fynd i gwrdd â chynrychiolwyr nyrsys, boed yn Unison, y Coleg Nyrsio Brenhinol neu mewn undebau llafur eraill, eu bod yn wirioneddol bryderus ynghylch y rhagolygon ar gyfer dyfodol eu proffesiwn os byddwn yn gadael. Maen nhw eisoes yn clywed cydweithwyr yn sôn nad oes croeso iddyn nhw a'u bod yn ystyried gadael oherwydd eu bod yn poeni am drefniadau yn y dyfodol.
Yn Lloegr, maen nhw wedi newid rhai o'r swyddogaethau yn rhan o'r ymateb. Maen nhw'n cyflwyno gradd newydd o'r enw cydymaith nyrsio. Mae'r prif swyddogion nyrsio y tu allan i Loegr yn credu mai dirprwyo swyddogaeth yw hyn, a'r hyn y maen nhw'n ei wneud mewn gwirionedd yw trosglwyddo dyletswyddau nyrsys cofrestredig i bobl heb y radd broffesiynol honno. Mae gennym ni ateb gwahanol. Mae gennym ni rwydwaith iawn o weithwyr cymorth gofal iechyd—bu rhywun yn yr ystafell hon yn helpu i negodi'r fframwaith hwnnw er mwyn iddyn nhw gael llwybr gyrfa iawn hefyd. Mae angen inni barhau i wneud hynny, i ddatblygu ein gweithlu ein hunain yma, ond ni allwn i ddweud yn onest wrth unrhyw un yn yr ystafell hon o unrhyw barti pe byddem ni'n gadael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd heb fargen y byddwn ni'n gallu osgoi'r canlyniadau hynny o ran ein gweithlu a phwy sydd gennym. Bydd yn cynnwys yr arian a wariwn—yr ydym ni'n barod i'w wario—ac, a dweud y gwir, y swyddi y mae ein pobl ni yn barod i ymgymryd â nhw o fewn maes iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol ehangach.
Felly, mae'r risgiau yn real. Ni ddylai neb eu hanwybyddu. Dylen nhw sylweddoli, heb fargen iawn, bydd rhaid inni wynebu'r canlyniadau ofnadwy hynny a dewisiadau anos fyth.
Thank you very much, Cabinet Secretary.
Diolch yn fawr iawn, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet.
Item 8 this afternoon is a statement by the Minister for Environment on the woodland strategy. I call on the Minister for Environment, Hannah Blythyn.
Eitem 8 y prynhawn yma yw datganiad gan y Gweinidog dros yr Amgylchedd ar y strategaeth goetiroedd. Rwy'n galw ar y Gweinidog dros yr Amgylchedd, Hannah Blythyn.
Thank you, Deputy Presiding Officer. I want to set out today some changes to Welsh Government policy for woodlands. It is timely to do so now. The UK’s withdrawal from the European Union brings many challenges, but also provides us with a platform to build on Wales’s reputation for high-quality goods and services, underpinned by resilient natural resources. I want to make sure the forestry sector has clear and up-to-date policies to help them work collectively to meet this challenge. I also want to restate the Welsh Government’s long-term vision for woodlands and their hugely important role in delivering the sustainable management of our natural resources. I have made forestry one of my top priorities and will shortly publish a refresh of our woodlands strategy, 'Woodlands for Wales', a copy of which has been sent to you.
But, first, I would like to pay tribute to Martin Bishop, national manager for Wales of the Confederation of Forest Industries, or Confor, who tragically passed away recently. Martin was a passionate advocate for forestry and made valuable contributions to the woodland strategy over many years. I know his loss has been felt by all who have worked with him and I would like to formally express my deepest sympathies to Martin’s family, friends and colleagues.
Next month, the Cabinet Secretary for Energy, Planning and Rural Affairs will bring forward proposals for post-Brexit reform that seeks to break down barriers between agriculture and forestry. We are working with a range of stakeholders, including farming unions, environmental bodies and forestry representatives, to deliver sustainable land use after Brexit.
Our natural resources policy sets out our plans to address the challenges we know that our environment faces. In it, we are clear that Wales needs more woodlands and trees to help us to manage all of our natural resources sustainably. We have not done enough yet to increase woodland creation and so, for the first time, I have brought targets for woodland creation into the strategy. We need both large and small-scale, diverse woodlands that include both conifer and broad-leaved tree species. We must also recognise the importance of increasing the number of trees both in rural and urban environments.
Last year, the Cabinet Secretary accepted the recommendation of the Climate Change, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee that we should bring the strategy up to date. The Welsh Government’s woodland strategy advisory panel has refreshed the strategy to make sure it aligns with new legislation. The fundamentals of the vision and the strategy remain the same. Our vision is for high-quality woodlands that provide real benefits to people, to industries and for the environment.
But this strategy is not simply a policy document. It gives practical guidance about the kinds of trees and woodlands we need in Wales and where we need them. It also gives clear direction to woodland managers and ensures that those who manage our woodlands are able to deliver sustainable management for all of our natural resources. It also has a strong link through the UK forestry standard to the certification standards operated by the Forest Stewardship Council and the programme for the endorsement of forest certification for timber and other woodland produce.
The strategy is important, but other actions are required if we are to achieve the aims it sets out. The Climate Change, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee made 13 recommendations and my officials are working to take them forward. In particular, I am determined that those who want to plant trees have certainty about the kinds of woodlands we need, and the places where they can be planted. We want to make it easier to plant the right tree in the right place. The woodland opportunities map is currently being reviewed, and I am meeting forestry standards officials tomorrow to discuss this.
The committee also recommended that we provide more forestry training. In support of this, we are scoping options to develop an employer-led sector cluster, aimed at increasing skills around the forestry sector through a new apprenticeship project. The aim is to create up to 30 new apprentice positions in the Valleys taskforce area during 2019.
To deliver a skilled, professional workforce across the whole forestry sector we are making use of the knowledge transfer and innovation scheme, to provide funding of over £3.2 million to the Focus on Forestry First training and skills project.
In April, I attended the tenth anniversary of the Welsh Government’s Plant! project. This is an inspiring initiative that had its roots in one young person’s idea—to plant a tree for every child born and adopted in Wales. This idea was taken up by the Welsh Government and has gone from strength to strength. I hope that a tree for every child will empower children to understand how they can do their bit for the environment.
We know that we can only achieve our ambition in this area by working with stakeholders, the public and politicians, and I’d encourage input from all those with an interest in our future forests to come forward with ideas and schemes that will expand our woodlands in Wales. Our ambitions for our people, our communities and our country are best achieved by working together. Today, I reaffirm our vision for forestry and our commitment to act on our ambition for Welsh woodlands.
Diolch, Dirprwy Lywydd. Heddiw hoffwn gyhoeddi newidiadau i bolisi Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer coetiroedd. Mae'n amserol gwneud hynny yn awr. Wrth i'r DU adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd daw llawer o heriau i'n rhan, ond cawn hefyd gyfrwng i gynyddu'r enw da sydd gan Gymru o safbwynt nwyddau a gwasanaethau o ansawdd uchel, wedi'u seilio ar adnoddau naturiol cadarn. Rwy'n dymuno sicrhau bod gan y sector coedwigaeth bolisïau clir a diweddar i'w helpu i weithio gyda'i gilydd i wynebu'r her hon. Hoffwn hefyd ailddatgan gweledigaeth hirdymor Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer coetiroedd a'u swyddogaeth hynod bwysig wrth gyfrannu at reoli ein hadnoddau naturiol yn gynaliadwy. Rwyf wedi gwneud coedwigaeth yn un o fy mhrif flaenoriaethau a byddaf yn cyhoeddi diweddariad i'n strategaeth coetiroedd, 'Coetiroedd i Gymru', ac mae copi wedi'i anfon atoch.
Ond, yn gyntaf, hoffwn i dalu teyrnged i Martin Bishop, Rheolwr Cenedlaethol Cymru Cydffederasiwn Diwydiannau Coedwigoedd, neu Confor, a fu farw'n ddiweddar. Roedd Martin yn eiriolwr brwd dros goedwigaeth ac fe wnaeth gyfraniadau gwerthfawr i'r strategaeth goetiroedd dros nifer o flynyddoedd. Gwn fod pawb a fu'n gweithio gydag ef yn gweld colled ar ei ôl a hoffwn fynegi'n ffurfiol fy nghydymdeimlad dwysaf i deulu Martin, i'w ffrindiau a'i gydweithwyr.
Fis nesaf, bydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Ynni, Cynllunio a Materion Gwledig yn cyflwyno cynigion ar gyfer diwygio ar ôl Brexit a fydd yn ceisio chwalu'r rhwystrau rhwng amaethyddiaeth a choedwigaeth. Rydym yn gweithio gydag amrywiaeth o randdeiliaid, yn cynnwys undebau'r ffermwyr, cyrff amgylcheddol a chynrychiolwyr coedwigaeth, i gyflawni defnydd cynaliadwy o dir ar ôl Brexit.
Mae ein polisi adnoddau naturiol yn nodi ein cynlluniau i fynd i'r afael â'r heriau yr ydym yn gwybod y mae ein hamgylchedd yn eu hwynebu. Yn y polisi, rydym ni'n datgan yn glir bod angen mwy o goetiroedd a choed ar Gymru i'n helpu i reoli ein holl adnoddau naturiol mewn ffordd gynaliadwy. Nid ydym ni wedi gwneud digon eto i gynyddu'r gwaith o greu coetiroedd ac felly, am y tro cyntaf, rwyf i wedi cyflwyno targedau ar gyfer creu coetiroedd i'r strategaeth. Mae angen coetiroedd amrywiol bach a mawr sy'n cynnwys conwydd a rhywogaethau coed llydanddail. Mae'n rhaid inni gydnabod hefyd bwysigrwydd cynyddu nifer y coed mewn amgylcheddau gwledig a threfol.
Y llynedd, derbyniodd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet argymhelliad y Pwyllgor Newid Hinsawdd, Amgylchedd a Materion Gwledig y dylem ni ddiweddaru'r strategaeth. Mae panel cynghori strategaeth coetiroedd Llywodraeth Cymru wedi diweddaru'r strategaeth i sicrhau ei bod yn cyd-fynd â'r ddeddfwriaeth newydd. Mae hanfodion y weledigaeth a'r strategaeth yn aros yr un fath. Ein gweledigaeth yw cyflawni coetiroedd o ansawdd uchel sy'n fuddiol iawn i bobl, i ddiwydiannau ac i'r amgylchedd.
Ond nid dogfen bolisi yn unig yw'r strategaeth hon. Mae'n rhoi canllawiau ymarferol ynghylch y math o goed a choetiroedd y mae eu hangen yng Nghymru a lle y mae eu hangen nhw. Mae hefyd yn rhoi cyfeiriad clir i reolwyr coetiroedd ac yn sicrhau bod y rhai sy'n rheoli ein coetiroedd yn gallu cyflawni rheolaeth gynaliadwy ar gyfer pob un o'n hadnoddau naturiol. Mae ganddo gysylltiad cryf hefyd drwy safon coedwigaeth y DU â'r safonau ardystio a weithredir gan y Cyngor Stiwardiaeth Coedwigoedd a'r rhaglen cymeradwyo ardystio coedwigoedd ar gyfer pren a chynnyrch arall coetir hefyd.
Mae'r strategaeth yn bwysig, ond mae angen camau gweithredu eraill os ydym am gyflawni ei nodau. Fe wnaeth y Pwyllgor Newid Hinsawdd, Amgylchedd a Materion Gwledig 13 o argymhellion, ac mae fy swyddogion wrthi'n eu datblygu. Yn benodol, rwy'n benderfynol bod y rhai hynny sy'n dymuno plannu coed yn gwybod yn glir pa fath o goetiroedd sydd eu hangen, a lle y gellir eu plannu. Rydym ni'n dymuno ei gwneud yn haws i blannu'r goeden iawn yn y lle iawn. Mae map y cyfleoedd coetir yn cael ei adolygu ar hyn o bryd, a byddaf yn cyfarfod â swyddogion safonau coedwigaeth yfory i drafod hyn.
Argymhellodd y pwyllgor hefyd y dylem ni ddarparu mwy o hyfforddiant coedwigaeth. I gefnogi hyn, rydym ni'n chwilio am opsiynau i ddatblygu clwstwr sector dan arweiniad cyflogwyr, â'r nod o gynyddu sgiliau yn y sector coedwigaeth drwy brosiect prentisiaeth newydd. Y nod yw creu hyd at 30 o swyddi prentis newydd yn ardal tasglu'r Cymoedd yn ystod 2019.
Er mwyn darparu gweithlu medrus, proffesiynol ar draws y sector coedwigaeth cyfan, rydym yn defnyddio'r cynllun trosglwyddo gwybodaeth ac arloesi, i ddarparu cyllid o dros £3.2 miliwn i'r prosiect hyfforddi a sgiliau, Focus on Forestry First.
Ym mis Ebrill, roeddwn yn nathliad 10 mlwyddiant prosiect Plant! Llywodraeth Cymru. Mae hon yn fenter symbylol gyda'i gwreiddiau yn syniad un person ifanc—i blannu coeden ar gyfer pob plentyn a gaiff ei eni a'i fabwysiadu yng Nghymru. Mabwysiadwyd y syniad hwn gan Lywodraeth Cymru ac mae wedi mynd o nerth i nerth. Rwy'n gobeithio y bydd coeden ar gyfer pob plentyn yn grymuso plant i ddeall sut y gallan nhw chwarae eu rhan dros yr amgylchedd.
Gwyddom y gallwn gyflawni ein huchelgais yn y maes hwn dim ond trwy weithio gyda rhanddeiliaid, y cyhoedd a gwleidyddion, a byddwn i'n annog pawb sydd â diddordeb yn nyfodol ein coedwigoedd i gynnig syniadau a chynlluniau a fydd yn ehangu ein coetiroedd yng Nghymru. Bydd ein huchelgeisiau ar gyfer ein pobl, ein cymunedau a'n gwlad yn cael eu gwireddu orau trwy weithio gyda'n gilydd. Heddiw, rwy'n ailddatgan ein gweledigaeth ar gyfer coedwigaeth a'n hymrwymiad i weithredu ar ein huchelgais ar gyfer coetiroedd Cymru.
Can I thank the Minister for her statement today? Can I also associate myself with her comments regarding Martin Bishop, and express my deepest sympathies to his family and friends on behalf of the Welsh Conservatives?
Whilst I welcome today's statement and the commitments that have been made around woodlands in Wales, it's important to also recognise that Wales is nowhere near the planting rates needed to adequately ensure the sustainability of the sector for the future, particularly compared with our neighbours in other parts of the UK. For some time, the woodland, forestry and agricultural sectors have made it crystal clear that we need to increase woodland cover and plant more trees. Indeed, in giving evidence to the Assembly's Climate Change, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee, Confor made it clear that, so far, woodland creation in Wales has been a catastrophic failure. Therefore, whilst I'm pleased that today's statement confirms the Welsh Government's commitment to plant more trees and set targets for woodland creation, I'd be grateful if the Minister could tell us a bit more about how the Welsh Government intends to bridge the gap caused by historic under-planting, so that Wales can make real progress with this agenda rather than continuing to play catch-up with other parts of the United Kingdom.
Of course, I accept that there are some barriers to planting, and stakeholders made it clear throughout the Climate Change, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee's inquiry that some of those barriers include issues with the Glastir woodland schemes. National Farmers Union Cymru has made it clear that the process is lengthy and very time-consuming, and often, once approved, there is little time to complete the planting and fencing for the exclusion of livestock. And the Farmers Union of Wales has also said that there is little financial incentive for farmers to plant woodlands. Therefore, can the Minister tell us what the Welsh Government is doing to address these specific concerns, and can she also tell us how the Welsh Government is working with the agricultural industry to encourage more farmers to take up woodland planting given that Welsh farmers play such an important role in enhancing the natural environment?
Now, I'm sure the Minister shares my view that the forestry sector in Wales is a significant part of the Welsh rural economy. Perhaps she could tell us what assessment her officials have made of the creation of Natural Resources Wales in 2013 on the forestry sector and whether she recognises the concerns of some in the industry that the forestry sector's not been given sufficient priority in recent years.
Now, with an annual output of 500,000 cu m of sawn timber from Welsh forest production, it's clear there's a strong opportunity for adding value and targeting a range of markets in Wales. Given the importance of forestry and timber to the rural economy in terms of both its products and in terms of its jobs, perhaps the Minister could update us on what discussions she's having with local authorities across Wales to better advocate the use of locally produced timber, as Powys has done with the creation of its wood encouragement policy, which is clearly demonstrating its commitment to the further development of the local forest and wood products industry.
Now, the Government has previously said that, after Britain leaves the European Union, the Welsh Government's new land management policy will centre on public goods and woodlands of great potential in this space, and I wonder if the Minister could today tell us exactly how woodlands will benefit under the new land management policy and what new direction of travel the Minister intends to take on this issue post Brexit.
Now, the Minister will be aware of the excellent work done by my colleague David Melding on woodland policy, particularly in relation to urban tree cover. I'm pleased that she makes it clear in her statement today that it's important to increase the number of trees both in rural and urban environments. Now, the Welsh Conservatives' 'Liveable Cities' policy document calls for the Government to ensure that minimum of 20 per cent urban tree canopy cover, addressed through local well-being plans and area statements by 2030. It also calls for the introduction of a charter for trees that upholds the protection of our oldest trees. I hope the Minister will join with me in welcoming my colleague's work on this agenda and perhaps in her response she will commit to considering his proposals and working constructively with us on this particular issue.
Therefore, in closing, can I thank the Minister for her statement? I look forward to working with my Assembly colleagues to scrutinise the Welsh Government's progress on its woodland policies as they develop. Diolch.
Hoffwn ddiolch i'r Gweinidog am ei datganiad heddiw. Hoffwn i ategu ei sylwadau ynglŷn â Martin Bishop, gan fynegi fy nghydymdeimlad dwysaf i'w deulu a'i ffrindiau ar ran y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig.
Er fy mod yn croesawu'r datganiad heddiw a'r ymrwymiadau sydd wedi'u gwneud ynghylch coetiroedd yng Nghymru, mae'n bwysig hefyd cydnabod bod Cymru'n bell o gyrraedd y cyfraddau plannu sydd eu hangen i sicrhau cynaliadwyedd y sector yn ddigonol ar gyfer y dyfodol, yn enwedig o gymharu â'n cymdogion mewn rhannau eraill o'r DU. Ers peth amser, mae sectorau coetiroedd, coedwigaeth ac amaethyddol wedi datgan yn gwbl glir bod angen inni gynyddu gorchudd coetir a phlannu mwy o goed. Yn wir, wrth roi tystiolaeth i Bwyllgor Materion Gwledig, Newid yn yr Hinsawdd ac Amgylchedd y Cynulliad, fe wnaeth Confor hi'n glir, bod creu coetiroedd yng Nghymru wedi bod yn fethiant trychinebus hyd yn hyn. Felly, er fy mod yn falch bod y datganiad heddiw yn cadarnhau ymrwymiad Llywodraeth Cymru i blannu mwy o goed a gosod targedau ar gyfer creu coetiroedd, fe fyddwn yn ddiolchgar pe gallai'r Gweinidog ddweud mwy wrthym ynghylch sut y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn bwriadu pontio'r bwlch a achosir gan ddiffyg plannu hanesyddol, fel y gall Cymru wneud cynnydd sylweddol â'r agenda hon, yn hytrach na pharhau i geisio dal i fyny â rhannau eraill y DU.
Wrth gwrs, rwy'n derbyn bod rhai rhwystrau i blannu, ac fe wnaeth rhanddeiliaid hi'n gwbl glir drwy gydol ymchwiliad Pwyllgor Materion Gwledig, Newid yn yr Hinsawdd ac Amgylchedd bod rhai o'r rhwystrau hynny yn cynnwys problemau yn ymwneud â chynlluniau coetir Glastir. Mae Undeb Cenedlaethol Amaethwyr Cymru wedi ei gwneud hi'n glir bod y broses yn hirfaith a llafurus iawn, ac yn aml, unwaith y bydd wedi'i chymeradwyo, ychydig o amser sydd ar ôl i gwblhau'r gwaith plannu a gosod ffensys i gadw da byw draw. Ac mae Undeb Amaethwyr Cymru wedi dweud hefyd nad oes fawr ddim cymhelliant ariannol i ffermwyr blannu coetiroedd. Felly, a all y Gweinidog ddweud wrthym beth y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn ei wneud i ymdrin â'r pryderon penodol hyn, ac a all hi ddweud wrthym hefyd sut y mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio gyda'r diwydiant amaeth i annog mwy o ffermwyr i blannu coetiroedd gan dderbyn bod ffermwyr Cymru yn chwarae rhan bwysig yn y gwaith o wella'r amgylchedd naturiol?
Rwyf yn sicr bod y Gweinidog yn cytuno â fy marn i bod y sector coedwigaeth yng Nghymru yn rhan sylweddol o economi wledig Cymru. Efallai y gall ddweud wrthym pa asesiad wnaeth ei swyddogion o'r effaith gafodd creu Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru yn 2013 ar y sector coedwigaeth ac a yw hi'n cydnabod pryderon rhai yn y diwydiant na chafodd y sector coedwigaeth ddigon o flaenoriaeth yn y blynyddoedd diwethaf.
Bellach, gydag allbwn blynyddol o 500,000 o fetrau ciwbig o bren wedi'i lifio yn dod o gynnyrch coedwigoedd Cymru, mae'n amlwg bod cyfle da yma i ychwanegu gwerth a thargedu amrywiaeth o farchnadoedd yng Nghymru. O ystyried pwysigrwydd coedwigaeth a phren i'r economi wledig o safbwynt eu cynhyrchion ac o safbwynt swyddi, efallai y gallai'r Gweinidog roi'r wybodaeth ddiweddaraf inni ynghylch pa drafodaethau y mae hi'n eu cael gydag awdurdodau lleol ledled Cymru i'w hargymell nhw'n gryfach i ddefnyddio pren a gynhyrchwyd yn lleol, fel y gwnaeth Powys wrth greu polisi i annog mwy i ddefnyddio cynnyrch pren, sy'n amlwg yn dangos ymrwymiad y sir i ddatblygu ymhellach diwydiant cynnyrch pren a choedwigoedd.
Dywedodd y Llywodraeth yn gynharach, ar ôl i Brydain adael yr Undeb Ewropeaidd, y bydd polisi rheoli tir newydd Llywodraeth Cymru yn canolbwyntio ar nwyddau cyhoeddus a choetiroedd â photensial mawr yn y gofod hwn, a tybed a all y Gweinidog ddweud wrthym heddiw sut yn union bydd coetiroedd yn elwa o dan y polisi newydd ar gyfer rheoli tir ac i ba gyfeiriad newydd bydd y Gweinidog yn mynd gyda'r mater hwn ar ôl Brexit.
Mae'r Gweinidog yn ymwybodol o'r gwaith ardderchog a wnaethpwyd gan fy nghyd-Aelod, David Melding ar bolisi coetiroedd, yn enwedig wrth ymwneud â gorchudd coed trefol. Rwy'n falch ei bod hi'n ei gwneud hi'n glir yn ei datganiad heddiw ei bod hi'n bwysig cynyddu nifer y coed mewn amgylcheddau gwledig a threfol. Mae dogfen bolisi 'Dinasoedd Byw' y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig yn galw ar y Llywodraeth i gadarnhau'r lleiafswm o 20 y cant o orchudd canopi coed trefol, drwy gynlluniau llesiant lleol a datganiadau ardal erbyn 2030. Mae'r ddogfen hefyd yn galw am siarter ar gyfer coed i amddiffyn ein coed hynaf. Gobeithiaf y bydd y Gweinidog yn ymuno â mi i groesawu gwaith fy nghyd-Aelod ar yr agenda hon ac efallai yn ei hymateb, y bydd hi'n ymrwymo i ystyried ei gynigion ac i weithio'n adeiladol gyda ni ar y mater penodol hwn.
Felly, wrth gloi, hoffwn ddiolch i'r Gweinidog am ei datganiad. Edrychaf ymlaen at weithio gyda'm cyd-Aelodau yn y Cynulliad i graffu ar hynt Llywodraeth Cymru gyda'i pholisïau coetir wrth iddynt ddatblygu. Diolch.
Daeth y Llywydd i’r Gadair.
The Llywydd took the Chair.
Diolch. Can I thank the Member for his questions and his contribution, and the valuable input you've just made, particularly in terms of referencing your colleague David Melding and all that he's done in this area? Of course, as I made clear in my statement, I think this is something where, if we are going to achieve what we want for Wales, nobody has the monopoly on the good ideas, and that's why it's really important to work with stakeholders. We know that there are opportunities post Brexit in terms of the opportunities for land management and the opportunities that offers in terms of woodland and forestry creation, but are kind of in the short term, and it's actually—. That's why I met with not only the Confederation of Forestry Industries and industry stakeholders, but stakeholders from across the piece—so, of course, from the voluntary sector and from Natural Resources Wales and from Cadw—to look at what the current barriers are. I'll be following that up now with NRW in terms of, actually, how we make it easier in the right way to plant the right trees. I think there's a short-term aspiration in terms of, actually, what the initial barriers are and how we can make changes to encourage greater amounts of tree planting with wholesale further change further down the line post Brexit.
Both I and my Cabinet colleague the Cabinet Secretary for climate change and rural affairs have made clear that we are nowhere near the targets set in 2010 in terms of the rates that we need to plant. The reality of it is that woodland creation in Wales has not probably changed in much of my lifetime. I think we have to be looking forward now. That's why this document has to be not just a policy document, but about practical and pragmatic solutions to how we go ahead with that. Actually, in terms of looking at Glastir and funding, I've spent quite a bit of time with colleagues speaking to farmers about, actually, what the current barriers are, how they would improve Glastir, how we could make it a more attractive option. I know some of the barriers have been in terms of permanent change and looking at the period of time you've also got to wait for a return on your investment. So, I've spoken about it with colleagues and I've mentioned it to the climate change committee in terms of what they're doing with the sheep and trees project in Scotland. That looks at how they can work with farmers there in terms of encouraging farmers to continue but diversify, and actually the benefits it brings to what they're doing already as well as actually diversifying in terms of woodland creation with, perhaps, better access—it helps them with access to the land. That's looking more at a conifer base, whereas, actually, we want to get that combination in Wales.
Local authorities support locally produced timber. I know my colleague the Minister for housing is following this very closely and, I believe, met with Confor just yesterday to discuss that we're working very closely across Government on that. I was really pleased—because we've got to get the supply and demand right as well to make sure we have the supply to meet the demand and, actually, how we promote the benefits of timber in construction in terms of the economic benefit potentially to the Welsh economy, but also in terms of the environment in terms of actually how we tackle our decarbonisation agenda.
I was pleased to visit a project in Buckley just last week. They're building a number of new flats, and what they've done is they've actually—[Inaudible.]—how, actually, the supply chain has all been contained within Wales. The timber is from Sitka spruce, sourced from forests around Newbridge, near Llandrindod Wells, and the frames were manufactured in Bala, and they're working very closely with Woodknowledge Wales. So, it's things like that we are, basically, working across Government on to ensure that we can take that further going forward.
Just to close, back to your colleague David Melding, I'm more than happy for us to take those discussions collectively going forward. I think there's probably a particular role in terms of when we're looking at urban coverage. We know there are multiple benefits that that brings to our town and city centres and looking at, actually, the role that public service boards and area statements can play in that.
Diolch. Diolch i'r Aelod am ei gwestiynau ac am ei gyfraniad, a'r mewnbwn gwerthfawr yn awr, yn arbennig wrth ichi gyfeirio at eich cyd-Aelod, David Melding a'r holl waith a wnaeth yn y maes hwn. Wrth gwrs, fel y nodais yn glir yn fy natganiad, rwy'n credu bod hyn yn rhywbeth lle, os ydym ni am gyflawni'r hyn y dymunwn ar gyfer Cymru, nid oes gan neb fonopoli ar syniadau da, a dyna pam mae'n bwysig iawn i weithio gyda rhanddeiliaid. Gwyddom fod cyfleoedd ar ôl Brexit o ran y cyfleoedd ar gyfer rheoli tir ac yn sgil hynny, cyfleoedd i greu coetiroedd a choedwigoedd, ond mae hyn yn y tymor byr, ac mewn gwirionedd mae'n—. Dyna pam, cyfarfûm â Chydffederasiwn Diwydiannau Coedwigoedd a rhanddeiliaid y diwydiant drwyddi draw—felly, wrth gwrs, o'r sector gwirfoddol ac o Gyfoeth Naturiol Cymru ac o Cadw—i weld beth yw'r rhwystrau presennol. Byddaf yn codi'r mater hwn gyda Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru o ran, mewn gwirionedd, sut gallwn ei gwneud hi'n haws yn y ffordd iawn i blannu'r coed iawn. Credaf fod dyhead tymor byr o ran beth yw'r rhwystrau cychwynnol a sut y gellir gwneud newidiadau i annog mwy o blannu coed â gwneud newidiadau sylweddol nes ymlaen ar ôl Brexit.
Rydw i a fy nghyd-Aelod yn y Cabinet, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet ar gyfer newid hinsawdd a materion gwledig wedi ei gwneud hi'n glir ein bod yn bell o gyrraedd y targedau a bennwyd yn 2010 o ran y cyfraddau y mae angen inni eu plannu. Y gwir amdani yw, mae'n debyg, nad yw creu coetiroedd yng Nghymru wedi newid yn ystod y rhan fwyaf o'm hoes i. Rwy'n credu y dylwn edrych ymlaen yn awr. Dyna pam mae'n rhaid i'r ddogfen hon fod nid yn unig yn ddogfen bolisi, ond yn un sydd ag atebion ymarferol a phragmataidd ynghylch sut yr awn ymlaen â hynny. Mewn gwirionedd, o ran edrych ar Glastir a chyllid, rwyf wedi treulio cryn dipyn o amser gyda chydweithwyr yn siarad â ffermwyr ynglŷn â beth yw'r rhwystrau ar hyn o bryd, sut y byddent yn gwella Glastir a sut y gallwn ni ei wneud yn ddewis mwy deniadol. Gwn y bu rhai o'r rhwystrau'n ymwneud â newid parhaol a'r amser y mae'n rhaid ichi aros am enillion ar eich buddsoddiad. Felly, rwyf wedi siarad am hyn gyda chydweithwyr ac rwyf wedi sôn amdano wrth y pwyllgor newid yn yr hinsawdd o ran beth y maen nhw yn ei wneud â'r prosiect defaid a choed yn yr Alban. Mae hwnnw'n edrych ar sut y gallan nhw weithio gyda ffermwyr yn y fan yno o ran annog ffermwyr i barhau ond i arallgyfeirio, a'r manteision i'r hyn y maen nhw'n ei wneud eisoes, yn ogystal ag arallgyfeirio o ran creu coetiroedd, efallai, gyda gwell mynediad—y mae'n eu helpu gyda mynediad i'r tir. Edrych mwy ar sail conwydd yw hyn, ond mewn gwirionedd, rydym ni eisiau cael y cyfuniad hwnnw yng Nghymru.
Mae awdurdodau lleol yn cefnogi coed lleol. Rwy'n gwybod bod fy nghyd-Aelod, y Gweinidog tai yn dilyn hyn yn fanwl iawn, a chredaf y cafodd gyfarfod gyda Confor ddoe gan ddweud ein bod ni'n gweithio'n agos iawn ar draws y Llywodraeth ar hynny. Roeddwn i'n falch iawn—oherwydd mae'n rhaid inni gael y cyflenwi a'r galw yn iawn hefyd er mwyn sicrhau bod gennym gyflenwad i ateb y galw ac, mewn gwirionedd, sut yr ydym yn hyrwyddo manteision defnyddio coed wrth adeiladu o ran budd economaidd posibl i economi Cymru, ond hefyd o safbwynt yr amgylchedd o ran sut yr ydym yn ymdrin â'r agenda ddatgarboneiddio.
Roeddwn yn falch o ymweld â phrosiect ym Mwcle yr wythnos ddiwethaf. Maen nhw'n adeiladu nifer o fflatiau newydd, a beth y maen nhw wedi'i wneud yw, maen nhw mewn gwirionedd—[Anghlywadwy.]—sut, mewn gwirionedd, y cadwyd y gadwyn gyflenwi gyfan o fewn Cymru. Daw'r pren o'r sbriwsen Sitka, o'r coedwigoedd o amgylch Pontnewydd-ar-Wy, ger Llandrindod, a gweithgynhyrchwyd y fframiau yn y Bala, ac maen nhw'n gweithio'n agos iawn gyda Woodknowledge Wales. Felly, ar bethau fel hyn yr ydym ni'n gweithio ar draws y Llywodraeth i sicrhau y gallwn ddatblygu hyn ymhellach.
I orffen, yn ôl at eich cyd-Aelod, David Melding. Rwy'n fwy na pharod i ni ymgymryd â'r trafodaethau hynny ar y cyd yn y dyfodol. Rwy'n credu o bosibl bod rhan benodol o ran pan fyddwn ni'n edrych ar orchudd trefol. Rydym ni'n gwybod bod hyn yn creu nifer o fanteision i ganol ein trefi a'n dinasoedd ac edrychwn ar y rhan y gall byrddau gwasanaeth cyhoeddus a datganiadau ardal chwarae yn hynny.
Can I, first of all, associate myself and Plaid Cymru with the remarks that the Minister made regarding Martin Bishop? He will be sorely missed during the Royal Welsh, where he was a very familiar face and had a welcome always to discuss woodland and the environment in Wales.
Can I turn to the statement of the Minister? First of all, just to, of course, reiterate that woodland creation of the right type and in the right place is a really useful tool in fighting climate change—it cleans up our air, it protects against flooding, it shades in urban environments, it improves biodiversity, and benefits the economy and our health and well-being. With all those benefits that woodland can bring, then it's a real pity that we only have about a half of the woodland that we should have in Wales in terms of self-sufficiency in timber, but also in terms of meeting those challenges of climate change and emissions. Our woodland, covering about 15 per cent of the land area, is way below the European average of 37 per cent, and we could certainly almost double the amount of woodland we have in Wales.
What hasn't been mentioned so far in this statement and the questions is an actual target. But, looking at the new strategy published today, it seems that the target for the Welsh Government is continuing to be 2,000 hectares per annum of new woodland from 2022 to 2030 and beyond, but the strategy does acknowledge that that will not be sufficient to meet our legal obligations to reduce emissions 80 per cent by 2050. So, we have a target to 2030 that's not sufficient to meet our long-term obligations, plus we have this wonderful benefit of woodland creation that is also missing and we have the reality, which was identified by the climate change committee, that Government had only delivered on 10 per cent of its woodland creation target to date. So, can the Minister just set out and confirm what the targets are for the next decade and how she intends to build on those having accepted in the strategy that they will not be sufficient, in fact, to meet our climate change obligations? The strategy does say that little has changed in 30 years, and that's the truth of it.
Can she also say whether she's had the opportunity to revise the draft 'Planning Policy Wales' statement, which did seem to weaken protection for ancient woodlands in particular, and which I know has been raised by several Members here in the Assembly, and the Government, as I recall, said they would look back at the draft 'Planning Policy Wales' statement to make sure there was no indication of a diminution of protection for ancient woodlands. So, can she please provide the Assembly with assurances there would be no weakening?
And finally, can she talk us through how she would intend to ensure that the 40 per cent of existing woodland, which, according to 'State of Natural Resources Report', has little or no management currently, will be managed going forward? Is this a task for Natural Resources Wales? Is it simply going to be left to private owners? Or will there be a woodland management scheme that will be more comprehensive and supportive in Wales as we move to increase our self-sufficiency in timber, both for supporting our own industries and also reducing imports and the economic and environmental costs of import, and as we move also to increasing woodland, which I think we'd all like to see as part of our response to climate change and the environment?
Yn gyntaf oll, a gaf i gysylltu fy hun, a Phlaid Cymru â'r sylwadau a wnaed gan y Gweinidog ynghylch Martin Bishop? Bydd colled mawr ar ei ôl yn ystod y Sioe Frenhinol, lle'r oedd yn wyneb cyfarwydd iawn ac roedd yn barod bob amser i drafod coetiroedd a'r amgylchedd yng Nghymru.
A gaf i droi at ddatganiad y Gweinidog? Yn gyntaf oll, wrth gwrs, i ailadrodd bod creu coetir o'r math cywir ac yn y lle cywir yn arf defnyddiol iawn wrth ymladd newid yn yr hinsawdd—mae'n glanhau'r aer, mae'n amddiffyn rhag llifogydd, mae'n cynnig cysgod mewn amgylcheddau trefol, mae'n gwella bioamrywiaeth ac mae'n fuddiol i'r economi ac i'n hiechyd a lles. Gyda'r holl fuddion hynny y mae coetir yn eu cynnig, mae'n drueni mawr mai dim ond tua hanner y coetir a ddylai fod yng Nghymru sydd gennym o ran hunangynhaliaeth mewn coed, ond hefyd o ran ateb yr heriau hynny a ddaw yn sgil newid yn yr hinsawdd ac allyriadau. Mae ein coetir, sy'n cwmpasu tua 15 y cant o arwynebedd y tir, yn llawer llai na'r cyfartaledd Ewropeaidd o 37 y cant, a gallem yn sicr ddyblu nifer y coetiroedd sydd gennym yng Nghymru.
Yr hyn sydd heb ei grybwyll hyd yn hyn yn y datganiad hwn a'r cwestiynau, yw targed gwirioneddol. Ond, wrth edrych ar y strategaeth newydd a gyhoeddwyd heddiw, ymddengys bod y targed ar gyfer Llywodraeth Cymru yn parhau i fod yn 2,000 o hectarau'r flwyddyn o goetir newydd o 2022 i 2030 a thu hwnt, ond mae'r strategaeth yn cydnabod na fydd hynny'n ddigonol i fodloni ein rhwymedigaethau cyfreithiol i ostwng allyriadau 80 y cant erbyn 2050. Felly, mae gennym darged hyd at 2030 nad yw'n ddigonol i fodloni ein rhwymedigaethau tymor hir, hefyd mae gennym y budd ardderchog hwn o greu coetiroedd sydd hefyd ar goll ac mae gennym y realiti, a nodwyd gan y Pwyllgor ar y newid yn yr hinsawdd, fod y Llywodraeth wedi cyflawni dim ond 10 y cant o'r targed i greu coetir hyd yn hyn. Felly, a all y Gweinidog nodi a chadarnhau beth yw'r targedau ar gyfer y degawd nesaf a sut y mae hi'n bwriadu adeiladu ar y rheini ar ôl derbyn yn y strategaeth na fyddant yn ddigonol, yn wir, i fodloni ein rhwymedigaethau ynghylch newid yn yr hinsawdd? Mae'r strategaeth yn dweud mai ychydig sydd wedi newid mewn 30 mlynedd, a dyna'r gwir.
A all hi hefyd ddweud a yw hi wedi cael cyfle i adolygu datganiad drafft 'Polisi Cynllunio Cymru', a oedd fel petai'n gwanhau diogelwch coetiroedd hynafol yn benodol, ac rwy'n gwybod bod hyd wedi cael ei godi gan nifer o Aelodau yma yn y Cynulliad, a dywedodd y Llywodraeth, fel y cofiaf, y byddai'n edrych eto ar ddatganiad drafft 'Polisi Cynllunio Cymru' i wneud yn siŵr nad oedd unrhyw arwydd o wanhau diogelwch coetiroedd hynafol. Felly, a all hi sicrhau'r Cynulliad na fyddai unrhyw wanhau yn digwydd?
Ac yn olaf, a all hi ddweud wrthym ni sut y byddai hi'n bwriadu sicrhau y bydd y 40 y cant o'r coetiroedd presennol, sydd, yn ôl yr 'Adroddiad ar Sefyllfa Adnoddau Naturiol', heb lawer o reolaeth neu ddim o gwbl ar hyn o bryd, yn cael eu rheoli yn y dyfodol? Ai tasg ar gyfer Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru yw hyn? A fydd y cyfrifoldeb ar ysgwyddau perchnogion preifat? Neu a gawn ni gynllun rheoli coetir a fydd yn fwy cynhwysfawr a chefnogol yng Nghymru wrth i ni gynyddu ein hunangynhaliaeth o ran pren, i gefnogi ein diwydiannau ein hunain a hefyd i leihau mewnforion a lleihau costau economaidd ac amgylcheddol mewnforio, wrth inni ddechrau ehangu coetiroedd, rhywbeth rwy'n credu y byddem ni i gyd yn hoffi ei weld fel rhan o'n hymateb i'r newid yn yr hinsawdd a'r amgylchedd?
Diolch. I thank the Member for his contribution. You're spot on in terms of starting your contribution by highlighting the multiple benefits that woodland creation and green infrastructure bring both in our rural and urban communities. They not only bring environmental benefits, but they make our environment a much more pleasant place to be, particularly in an urban area, and it obviously has productive and economic benefits, and health benefits as well.
If I clarify first in terms of targets, the strategy itself says woodland cover to increase by at least 2,000 hectares per annum. That's in line with the UK's Climate Change Committee's recommendations. However, we have acknowledged that's not enough to deliver the share—the 80 per cent reduction—so we are ambitious to put in place measures to achieve 4,000 hectares a year if we can to meet that. So, it is a minimum, at least, floor. If you look at now, we're looking, on average, at 100 hectares per year. That is significantly more, but I'm clear that is at least, and that is the minimum floor in terms of what we need to do to achieve the change, to meet those obligations in the future and to go further still.
I'll turn perhaps to ancient woodlands and veteran trees. I acknowledge there's been concern by those in the sector, and across the community, in terms of—it's fair to say it generated a significant level of response, raising concerns that the wording choices in 'Planning Policy Wales' do not afford the level of protection that should be given to ancient, veteran and heritage trees. I just want to make clear there is absolutely no intention to weaken the protection afforded to ancient, veteran and heritage trees in 'Planning Policy Wales'. Obviously, all consultation responses were duly considered, as they would be, but I think particular wording choices such as 'often have', 'should be', 'every effort', technically, in the context of a planning scenario, do carry weight, but language choices are something that we can clearly reconsider as part of the response to the consultation exercise, and hopefully offer some reassurance that I have absolutely no intention to weaken the protection afforded to our so cherished ancient, veteran and heritage trees.
Diolch. Diolch i'r Aelod am ei gyfraniad. Rydych yn llygad eich lle o ran dechrau eich cyfraniad drwy dynnu sylw at y manteision niferus y mae creu coetir a seilwaith gwyrdd yn eu dwyn yn ein cymunedau gwledig a'n cymunedau trefol. Yn ogystal â dwyn manteision amgylcheddol, maen nhw hefyd yn gwneud ein hamgylchedd yn lle llawer mwy dymunol i fod, yn enwedig mewn ardal drefol, ac mae'n amlwg yn dwyn manteision economaidd a chynhyrchiol, a manteision iechyd hefyd.
I egluro yn gyntaf o ran targedau, dywed y strategaeth ei hun y bydd cynnydd o 2,000 hectar neu fwy y flwyddyn o ran gorchudd coetir. Mae hynny'n unol ag argymhellion Pwyllgor Newid yn yr Hinsawdd y DU. Fodd bynnag, rydym ni wedi cydnabod nad yw hynny'n ddigon i gyflawni'r gyfran—y gostyngiad o 80 y cant—felly rydym yn uchelgeisiol i roi dulliau ar waith o gyflawni 4,000 hectar y flwyddyn os gallwn i fodloni hynny. Felly, mae'n isafswm, o leiaf, gwaelodlin. Wrth edrych ar y sefyllfa sydd ohoni, rydym yn edrych, ar gyfartaledd, ar 100 hectar y flwyddyn. Mae hynny'n fwy o lawer, ond rwy'n glir mai o leiaf yw hynny, ac mae llawr isaf yw hynny o ran yr hyn y mae angen inni ei wneud i gyflawni'r newid, i gyflawni'r rhwymedigaethau hynny yn y dyfodol ac i fynd ymhellach eto.
Fe wnaf i droi efallai at goetiroedd hynafol a choed hynafol. Rwy'n cydnabod y pryder sydd wedi'i fynegi gan y rhai hynny yn y sector, ac yn y gymuned gyfan, ynghylch—mae'n deg dweud yr arweiniodd at lefel sylweddol o ymatebion, yn codi pryderon nad yw'r dewis geiriau yn 'Polisi Cynllunio Cymru' yn rhoi'r lefel o warchodaeth y dylid ei rhoi i goed hynafol, hynod a threftadaeth. Rwyf i eisiau egluro nad oes dim bwriad o gwbl i wanhau'r warchodaeth a roddir i goed hynafol, hynod a threftadaeth yn 'Polisi Cynllunio Cymru'. Yn amlwg, ystyriwyd yn briodol bob ymateb i'r ymgynghoriad, fel y byddan nhw, ond rwy'n credu bod dewisiadau geiriau penodol megis 'yn aml', 'dylid', 'pob ymdrech', yn dechnegol, yng nghyd-destun senario cynllunio, yn cario pwysau, ond mae dewisiadau iaith yn rhywbeth y gallwn ei ailystyried yn amlwg yn rhan o'r ymateb i'r ymarfer ymgynghori, a gobeithio y bydd yn cynnig rhywfaint o sicrwydd nad oes gen i unrhyw fwriad o gwbl i wanhau'r warchodaeth a roddir i'n coed hynafol, hynod a threftadaeth sydd mor annwyl i ni.
Firstly, I would like to pay tribute to Martin Bishop, the national manager of Confor, who tragically passed away recently, on behalf of the Climate Change, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee, a committee he worked very closely with, and we were always impressed by both his knowledge and enthusiasm for all things to do with trees.
Can I welcome the Minister's restating the Welsh Government's long-term vision for woodlands and their hugely important role in delivering the sustainable management of our natural resources? I agree that Wales needs more woodlands and trees to help us manage all our natural resources sustainably. In fact, I don't think anybody in this room is going to say we don't need more woodlands and trees to help us manage our natural resources sustainably. But we have not done enough yet to increase woodland creation, so I welcome, for the first time, we have targets for woodland creation in the strategy.
I am pleased that, last year, the Cabinet Secretary accepted the recommendation of the Climate Change, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee that we should bring the strategy up to date. I'm also pleased that Welsh Government officials are working to take forward the 13 recommendations made by the committee.
I think that we're all in favour of more trees and we're all very happy having numbers. How are we going to get there? I think that really is the challenge. Does the Minister agree with me that we need to increase the tree coverage in urban areas using appropriate trees and we need to set targets on that? We need to set targets by local authority on that, because, unless we start setting targets that you can drill down into—saying, 'We need an extra 10,000 trees in Wales' is one thing, telling Swansea council they need an extra 1,000 trees is something entirely different and something for which they can be held to account. Does the Minister also agree that we need to set five-year targets for each local authority area for tree planting similar to the way we set the LDP for housing, where, under an LDP, we say, 'This much land must be made available for housing'? Why can't we do the same for trees? Otherwise, we spend a lot of our time having numbers on an all-Wales basis. We spend a lot of our time talking about how we need to get there, but we seem to have a lack of plan on a place-by-place basis of how we're going to get there. And, when we inevitably fail to make the numbers, then everybody blames you, Cabinet Minister, in the first instance, but I think we all deserve some of the blame, because unless we start building it down to, 'You, in local authorities, or you, this area, have to achieve this', then everybody will just say, 'It's up to somebody else'.
Yn gyntaf, hoffwn i dalu teyrnged i Martin Bishop, Rheolwr Cenedlaethol Confor, a fu farw yn drasig yn ddiweddar, ar ran y Pwyllgor Newid Hinsawdd, Amgylchedd a Materion Gwledig, pwyllgor y gweithiodd yn agos iawn gydag ef, ac roedd ei wybodaeth a'i frwdfrydedd ynghylch popeth sy'n ymwneud â choed bob amser yn creu argraff arnom ni.
A gaf i groesawu ailddatganiad y Gweinidog o weledigaeth hirdymor Llywodraeth Cymru ar gyfer coetiroedd a'u swyddogaeth hynod bwysig wrth reoli ein hadnoddau naturiol yn gynaliadwy? Rwy'n cytuno bod angen mwy o goetiroedd a choed ar Gymru i'n helpu ni i reoli ein holl adnoddau naturiol mewn ffordd gynaliadwy. Yn wir, nid wyf yn credu y bydd unrhyw un yn yr ystafell hon yn dweud nad oes angen mwy o goetiroedd a choed i'n helpu i reoli ein hadnoddau naturiol mewn ffordd gynaliadwy. Ond nid ydym wedi gwneud digon hyd yn hyn i gynyddu nifer y coetiroedd sy'n cael eu creu, felly rwy'n croesawu'r ffaith bod gennym ni dargedau ar gyfer creu coetiroedd yn y strategaeth am y tro cyntaf.
Rwyf yn falch bod Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet wedi derbyn argymhelliad y Pwyllgor Newid Hinsawdd, Amgylchedd a Materion Gwledig y dylem ni ddiweddaru'r strategaeth. Rwyf i hefyd yn falch bod swyddogion Llywodraeth Cymru yn gweithio i weithredu ar yr 13 o argymhellion a wnaed gan y Pwyllgor.
Rwy'n credu ein bod ni i gyd o blaid cael mwy o goed ac rydym ni i gyd yn hapus bod gennym niferoedd. Sut ydym ni am gyflawni hyn? Rwy'n credu mai hynny yw'r her mewn gwirionedd. A yw'r Gweinidog yn cytuno â mi bod angen i ni gynyddu'r gorchudd coed mewn ardaloedd trefol gan ddefnyddio coed priodol a bod angen inni i osod targedau ar gyfer hynny? Mae angen inni osod targedau i bob awdurdod lleol ar gyfer hynny, oherwydd, oni bai ein bod yn dechrau pennu targedau y gellir eu dadansoddi—mae dweud, 'Mae angen 10,000 yn fwy o goed yng Nghymru' yn un peth, mae dweud wrth gyngor Abertawe bod angen 1,000 yn fwy o goed arno yn gwbl wahanol a rhywbeth y gellir eu dwyn i gyfrif amdano. A yw'r Gweinidog hefyd yn cytuno bod angen inni osod targedau pum mlynedd i bob ardal awdurdod lleol ar gyfer plannu coed yn debyg i'r modd y gwnaethom osod y cynllun datblygu lleol ar gyfer tai, lle'r ydym yn dweud, o dan gynllun datblygu lleol, 'Mae'n rhaid i gymaint â hyn o dir fod ar gael ar gyfer tai'? Pam na allwn ni wneud yr un peth ar gyfer coed? Fel arall, rydym yn treulio llawer o'n hamser ar niferoedd Cymru gyfan. Rydym yn treulio llawer o'n hamser yn sôn bod angen inni gyflawni hynny, ond ymddengys fod diffyg cynllun fesul lle o ran sut yr ydym ni'n cyflawni hynny. A, pan fyddwn yn anochel methu â chyflawni'r niferoedd, bydd pawb yn eich beio chi, Gweinidog y Cabinet, yn gyntaf, ond rwy'n credu bod pob un ohonom yn haeddu rhywfaint o'r bai, oherwydd oni bai ein bod yn dechrau dadansoddi i 'Chi, mewn awdurdodau lleol, neu chi, yn yr ardal hon, sy'n gorfod cyflawni hyn', wedyn y cwbl y bydd pawb yn ei ddweud yw, 'Cyfrifoldeb rhywun arall yw hynny'.
Diolch, thank you to Mike Hedges for that. You absolutely hit the nail on the head there by saying that where there is consensus and we're all in agreement—and you'd be hard-pressed to find somebody who would disagree that it's a positive thing to plant more trees and that it's something we need to do—but the key thing is how do we get to there. I think you make some really valid and thoughtful contributions in terms of, actually—. I perhaps wouldn't, maybe, use the phrase, 'take the blame'; I think, as you say, perhaps it's for all of us, the onus is on all of us, to press for this and press our own local authorities, as well as myself doing this as the Minister for Environment. But I think you raise some really interesting points in terms of looking at things on a place-by-place basis—so, we know that each urban area in Wales has different needs and priorities—and making sure that we work with local authorities. I'm keen, as I said, to take that forward with Natural Resources Wales through area statements to make sure that they align both with the priorities in terms of green infrastructure and woodland creation, but also in terms of the value of our biodiversity, and making sure that it aligns, obviously, with the Well-being of Future Generations (Wales) Act 2015. So, it's something that—yes, to look at a place-by-place approach I think is the best approach, going forward.
Diolch, diolch i Mike Hedges am hynny. Fe wnaethoch chi daro'r hoelen yn union ar ei phen yn y fan yna trwy ddweud bod consensws a'n bod ni i gyd yn cytuno—a chewch chi'n anodd dod o hyd i rywun sy'n anghytuno mai rhywbeth cadarnhaol yw plannu rhagor o goed a'i bod angen inni wneud hynny—ond yr hyn sy'n allweddol yw sut i'w gyflawni. Rwy'n credu eich bod chi'n gwneud sylwadau gwirioneddol ddilys ac ystyrlon o ran, mewn gwirionedd—. Efallai na fyddwn i, efallai, yn defnyddio'r ymadrodd, 'derbyn y bai'; rwy'n credu, fel y dywedwch chi, ei bod i bob un ohonom ni, bod cyfrifoldeb ar bob un ohonom ni, i weithio ar hyn a phwyso ar ein hawdurdodau lleol ein hunain, yn ogystal â mi fy hun yn gwneud hyn fel y Gweinidog dros yr Amgylchedd. Ond rwy'n credu eich bod yn codi pwyntiau diddorol iawn o ran edrych ar bethau fesul lle—felly, rydym yn gwybod bod gan bob ardal drefol yng Nghymru wahanol anghenion a blaenoriaethau—a gwneud yn siŵr ein bod yn gweithio gydag awdurdodau lleol. Rwy'n awyddus, fel y dywedais, i fwrw ymlaen â hynny gyda Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru drwy'r datganiadau ardal i wneud yn siŵr eu bod yn gydnaws â blaenoriaethau o ran seilwaith gwyrdd a chreu coetiroedd, ond hefyd o ran gwerth ein bioamrywiaeth, a gwneud yn siŵr ei bod yn gyson, yn amlwg, â Deddf Llesiant Cenedlaethau'r Dyfodol (Cymru) 2015. Felly, mae'n rhywbeth—ydy, i edrych ar ddull wedi'i seilio ar le rwy'n credu yw'r dull gorau, wrth symud ymlaen.
I'm just going to focus on one area and that's going to be the urban tree cover in towns and cities, and support that urban tree management. We all know, don't we, that trees are a valuable habitat for wildlife and pollinators, that they help reduce air pollution, urban flooding and surface temperatures—which would be welcome today—all of which are hugely important to the health and well-being of people living in towns and cities. I'm sure that people in this room who think likewise will share my concerns about Sheffield City Council felling huge numbers of healthy trees in their area.
Now, we know that there is 17 per cent urban tree cover and that we need to do something about that. I'm going to ask you, Minister, if you would have a conversation with the Cabinet Secretary responsible for planning so that, when we try to meet our 20,000 new homes target by 2021, we don't go in, simply, to a greenfield site, strip everything out of it, build houses and try to put a bit of grass back or maybe a shrub here and there to satisfy ourselves. Because it doesn't satisfy ourselves. I think we need some radical thinking here when we're talking about building homes, whilst, at the same time, trying to maintain habitats that are there already, rather than—and we've heard it mentioned today—thinking about large-scale devastation, in my opinion, of the urban environment simply to make it easier and cheaper for people to build houses and maximise their profit.
Rwyf am ganolbwyntio ar un maes, a hynny fydd gorchudd coed trefol mewn trefi a dinasoedd, ac rwy'n cefnogi'r rheolaeth honno ar goed trefol. Mae pob un ohonom ni'n gwybod, on'd ydym, bod coed yn gynefin gwerthfawr i fywyd gwyllt a phryfed peillio, eu bod yn helpu i leihau llygredd aer, llifogydd trefol a thymheredd wyneb—a fyddai'n ddefnyddiol heddiw—a phob un o'r rhain yn hynod o bwysig i iechyd a lles pobl sy'n byw mewn trefi a dinasoedd. Rwy'n sicr y bydd pobl yn yr ystafell hon sydd â'r un meddylfryd â mi yn rhannu fy mhryderon ynghylch Cyngor Dinas Sheffield yn cwympo nifer enfawr o goed iach yn eu hardal.
Nawr, rydym ni'n gwybod bod 17 y cant o orchudd coed trefol a bod angen inni wneud rhywbeth am hynny. Gofynnaf i chi, Weinidog, a fyddwch chi'n cael sgwrs ag Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet sy'n gyfrifol am gynllunio i sicrhau, wrth inni geisio cyrraedd ein targed o 20,000 o gartrefi newydd erbyn 2021, nad ydym yn syml yn mynd i safle tir glas, yn ei glirio'n llwyr, yn adeiladu tai ac yn ceisio rhoi rhywfaint o borfa yn ôl neu ambell lwyn yma ac acw i'n bodloni ein hunain. Oherwydd nid yw hynny'n ein bodloni ein hunain. Rwy'n credu bod angen meddwl radical arnom yma wrth sôn am adeiladu cartrefi, ac, ar yr un pryd, ceisio cynnal y cynefinoedd sydd yno eisoes, yn hytrach na—ac rydym ni wedi clywed sôn amdano heddiw—meddwl am ddinistr ar raddfa fawr, yn fy marn i, yr amgylchedd trefol i'w gwneud yn haws ac yn rhatach i bobl adeiladu tai a sicrhau'r elw mwyaf.
I thank Joyce Watson for her contribution there, again reiterating not just the benefits that urban green spaces and woodland bring, but, actually, I think it's that sense of—particularly if you live in an area where it's probably a significant journey to go to actually visit somewhere, a large forest, those woodlands 10 minutes from your doorstep just make a significant difference. There's a really clear emotional attachment to that. I think I've already used the example of Wepre Woods, which is just next door to my constituency now, but the one that brought multiple benefits to me, my family and friends when I was growing up, and I know that we want to make sure that we preserve that for future generations as well.
In terms of planning, it's absolutely, you know—. We're looking at things holistically and cross-Government and in line with the well-being of future generations Act, and we need to make sure that we are working together and things are aligned. In the refreshed strategy, on page 11, in terms of saying what we want to happen, it does say that
'when permanent removal of woodland is permitted for development, the losses in public benefit are offset by compensatory planting and this is reflected in planning policy'.
However, I'm keen to make sure that green infrastructure is taken into account and to work with my colleagues across Government on that. 'Planning Policy Wales' has recently been updated to reflect the well-being of future generations Act, and includes new policy in relation to green infrastructure and new developments, so it's something that we'll be working closely on to see that come to fruition in practice.
Diolch i Joyce Watson am ei chyfraniad, eto yn ailadrodd y manteision y gall coetir a mannau gwyrdd trefol eu cyflwyno, ond, mewn gwirionedd, rwy'n credu mai'r ymdeimlad hwnnw—yn enwedig os ydych chi'n byw mewn ardal lle mae fwy na thebyg yn daith sylweddol i fynd, mewn gwirionedd, i ymweld â choedwig fawr rhywle, bod y coetiroedd hynny 10 munud o garreg eich drws yn gwneud gwahaniaeth sylweddol. Mae yna gysylltiad emosiynol clir iawn i hynny. Rwy'n credu fy mod i wedi defnyddio enghraifft Coed Gwepre eisoes, sydd drws nesaf i fy etholaeth i nawr, ond fe gynigiodd fanteision niferus i mi, fy nheulu a fy ffrindiau wrth i mi dyfu fyny, a gwn ein bod yn dymuno gwneud yn siŵr ein bod ni'n cadw hynny ar gyfer cenedlaethau'r dyfodol hefyd.
O ran cynllunio, mae'n hollol, wyddoch chi—. Rydym yn edrych ar bethau mewn ffordd gyfannol a thraws-Lywodraethol ac yn unol â Deddf llesiant cenedlaethau'r dyfodol, ac mae angen inni wneud yn siŵr ein bod yn gweithio gyda'n gilydd a bod pethau yn gyson. Yn y strategaeth ddiwygiedig, ar dudalen 11, o ran dweud beth yr ydym ni'n dymuno ei weld yn digwydd, mae yn dweud
'Pan ganiateir gwaredu coetir yn barhaol at ddibenion datblygu, dylid plannu rhagor o goed i wneud iawn am y buddion y bydd y cyhoedd yn eu colli'.
Fodd bynnag, rwy'n awyddus i wneud yn siŵr y caiff seilwaith gwyrdd ei ystyried ac i weithio gyda fy nghyd-Aelodau ar draws y Llywodraeth ar hynny. Mae 'Polisi Cynllunio Cymru' wedi ei ddiweddaru yn ddiweddar i adlewyrchu Deddf llesiant cenedlaethau'r dyfodol, ac yn cynnwys polisi newydd yn ymwneud â seilwaith gwyrdd a datblygiadau newydd, felly mae'n rhywbeth y byddwn yn cydweithio'n agos arno i weld hynny'n dwyn ffrwyth yn ymarferol.
Thank you for your statement, Minister. I'm glad you've reiterated that forestry is one of your top priorities. Urban trees hold historical and cultural significance, and there's no doubt that, without trees, our urban environments would be very different places. The physical and mental health benefits to people of trees in urban areas are well documented. The Woodland Trust highlights the benefits of people exercising more and feeling better around trees. Urban trees are critical to human health and well-being. Trees provide shade, absorb carbon dioxide, filter air pollution, mitigate floods and provide habitats for wildlife and plants. Urban trees are particularly effective at absorbing carbon dioxide.
It's important that we find ways to value trees more effectively, to build more sustainable and liveable urban areas. New research at University College London found that urban green zones absorb as much carbon dioxide as rainforests. They conducted a study of 85,000 trees in north London to show the importance of planting and protecting urban forests to offset fossil fuel emissions, and I hope the Minister will look into this study and see how Wales can learn from this research.
The Welsh Government's Plant! scheme has been successful, and initiatives like this must continue. I understand that many trees that were planted in Caerleon in my constituency during the 1970s were done so during a campaign for 'Plant a Tree in '73', and, the following year, 'Plant Some More in '74'. However, we've got a lot of ground to make up, and there's no doubt that more must be done, particularly around new housing developments, as Joyce Watson has said, and infrastructure. As the Minister said, it's really important that we're planting the right trees in the right places.
The city of Newport is fortunate to have large areas of green space that people can easily access, and award-winning parks such as Belle Vue Park, Tredegar Park and Beechwood Park. In addition, Wentwood forest is on our doorstep, and is part of the largest block of ancient woodland within Wales, with a recorded history spanning over 1,000 years. The network of woodland paths, including downhill mountain bike trails, is very popular and well-loved. However, there's more to do to ensure the local community, especially young people, can access this. In our 'Branching out' report last year, the Climate Change, Environment and Rural Affairs Committee recognised the work that local woodland groups are doing in protecting our urban green spaces and making them more accessible. One such group in my constituency is the Bassaleg Community Woodland Trust, which is made up of local volunteers. It's crucial that community groups, NRW, local authorities and private landowners work together to pursue woodland enterprise opportunities and support community ownership of woodlands.
The social benefit of woodlands was a main theme in the 'Branching out' report, and I'm glad the strategy recognises the role urban woodlands can play in community cohesion. So, with this in mind, Minister, what can the Welsh Government do to support existing groups, such as the one in Bassaleg, and encourage similar ones to form to ensure that more of our green spaces can be enjoyed by our urban communities?
Diolch ichi am eich datganiad, Gweinidog. Rwy'n falch eich bod chi wedi ailadrodd bod coedwigoedd yn un o'ch blaenoriaethau pennaf. Mae gan goed trefol arwyddocâd hanesyddol a diwylliannol, ac nid oes unrhyw amheuaeth, y byddai ein hamgylcheddau trefol yn lleoedd gwahanol iawn heb goed. Mae cofnod helaeth o'r buddion i iechyd corfforol a meddyliol pobl, sy'n deillio o goed mewn ardaloedd trefol. Mae Coed Cadw yn amlygu'r buddion a ddaw i bobl, drwy fod yn agos at goed a thrwy ymarfer corff â choed o'u hamgylch. Mae coed trefol yn hanfodol i iechyd a lles pobl. Mae coed yn darparu cysgod, yn amsugno carbon deuocsid, yn hidlo llygredd aer, yn lliniaru llifogydd ac yn darparu cynefinoedd i fywyd gwyllt a phlanhigion. Mae coed trefol yn arbennig o effeithiol wrth amsugno carbon deuocsid.
Mae'n bwysig ein bod ni'n dod o hyd i ffyrdd o werthfawrogi coed yn fwy effeithiol, i adeiladu ardaloedd trefol mwy cynaliadwy y gellir byw ynddyn nhw. Canfu ymchwil newydd yng Ngholeg Prifysgol Llundain fod parthau gwyrdd trefol yn amsugno cymaint o garbon deuocsid â choedwigoedd glaw. Cynhaliwyd astudiaeth o 85,000 o goed yng ngogledd Llundain i ddangos pwysigrwydd plannu a gwarchod coedwigoedd trefol i wrthbwyso allyriadau tanwydd ffosil, ac rwy'n gobeithio y bydd y Gweinidog yn edrych ar yr astudiaeth hon ac yn gweld sut y gall Cymru ddysgu o'r gwaith ymchwil hwn.
Mae cynllun Plant! Llywodraeth Cymru wedi bod yn llwyddiannus, ac mae'n rhaid i fentrau fel hyn barhau. Rwy'n deall bod llawer o'r coed a blannwyd yng Nghaerllion yn fy etholaeth wedi'u plannu yn ystod y 1970au yn rhan o ymgyrch "Plant a Tree in '73" ac yna y flwyddyn ganlynol, "Plant some more in '74". Fodd bynnag, mae gennym ni lawer o ffordd i fynd, ac nid oes unrhyw amheuaeth bod yn rhaid gwneud mwy, yn arbennig o ran datblygiadau tai newydd, fel y dywedodd Joyce Watson, a seilwaith. Fel y dywedodd y Gweinidog, mae'n bwysig iawn ein bod ni'n plannu'r coed iawn yn y lleoedd iawn.
Mae dinas Casnewydd yn ffodus i gael ardaloedd mawr o fannau gwyrdd y mae'n hawdd i bobl gael atynt, a pharciau arobryn fel Parc Belle Vue, Parc Tredegar a Pharc Beechwood. Hefyd, mae coedwig Coed Gwent ar garreg ein drws, sy'n rhan o'r bloc mwyaf o goetir hynafol yng Nghymru, ag iddo hanes ar gofnod sy'n ymestyn dros 1,000 o flynyddoedd. Mae'r rhwydwaith o lwybrau coetir, gan gynnwys llwybrau beicio lawr mynydd, yn boblogaidd ac yn boblogaidd iawn. Fodd bynnag, mae mwy i'w wneud i sicrhau y gall y gymuned leol, yn enwedig pobl ifanc, ddefnyddio hyn oll. Yn ein hadroddiad 'Heb gyrraedd gwreiddyn y mater' y llynedd, roedd y Pwyllgor Newid Hinsawdd, Amgylchedd a Materion Gwledig yn cydnabod y gwaith y mae grwpiau coetiroedd lleol yn ei wneud i ddiogelu ein mannau gwyrdd trefol a'u gwneud yn fwy hygyrch. Un grŵp o'r fath yn fy etholaeth i yw Ymddiriedolaeth Coetir Cymunedol Basaleg, sy'n cynnwys gwirfoddolwyr lleol. Mae'n hanfodol bod grwpiau cymunedol, Cyfoeth Naturiol Cymru, awdurdodau lleol a thirfeddianwyr preifat yn cydweithio i chwilio am gyfleoedd menter coetir a chefnogi perchnogaeth gymunedol o goetiroedd.
Roedd budd cymdeithasol coetiroedd yn o'r prif themâu yn yr adroddiad 'Heb gyrraedd gwreiddyn y mater', ac rwy'n falch bod y strategaeth yn cydnabod y gall coetiroedd trefol chwarae rhan mewn cydlyniant cymunedol. Felly, o ystyried hyn, Gweinidog, beth y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ei wneud i gefnogi grwpiau presennol, fel yr un ym Masaleg, ac annog rhai tebyg i ffurfio i sicrhau y gall mwy o'n mannau gwyrdd ddod â mwynhad i'n cymunedau trefol?
I thank the Member for her contribution. I quite like that—'Plant A Tree in '73', 'Plant Some More in '74'. Perhaps we need to get ourselves some contemporary slogans to go with the woodlands strategy. I could be tempting fate by inviting contributions on that one, though.
You're right in terms of, actually, the importance of finding ways to value trees, and I'll definitely look into the King's College report that you mentioned; it sounds very interesting. I didn't know, but we actually do have rainforests in Wales as well. But, in terms of ways to value trees, I recently spoke at a Fields in Trust event, and what was really significant about that was that they placed—. We know the value of trees is the environmental, the social and the health and well-being and the broader multiple benefits they bring, but they'd actually contextualised it to say, actually, 'If you take this park away or if you take this green space away, it has this economic value to the community and the wider area'. I think it's really important that we are able to encapsulate that in a broader sense to really, really hit home to people the value that our green spaces and woodlands have.
Community woodland plays a vital part, which is why Welsh Government has things like the co-operative woodlands scheme, and working with Llais y Goedwig and the community network liaison to support community projects, and ownership in the sense of, actually—people feel an ownership, anyway, of the woodland near them or the green space, but actually ownership in the more literal sense. And it's access for young people, the Plant! project, for example, and I'm pleased that the strategy just emphasised the role that woodlands and green space, forest, play in terms of education, because I don't think you can underestimate that, for some children, getting them outside in a forest school, taking part in eco-schools, you see a complete change and the opportunities that brings. So, that's also something I'm keen to explore with my colleague the Cabinet Secretary for Education in terms of, actually, that can be aligned in terms of the new curriculum going forward and how actually we can make sure from a younger age—and sustain that into secondary school too—more young people not only benefit from our green spaces and woodland, but also, actually, potentially have an opportunity through that to develop skills and a future career pathway as well.
Diolch i'r Aelod am ei chyfraniad. Rwy'n eithaf hoffi hynny—"Plant a Tree in '73, Plant some more '74". Efallai fod angen inni feddwl am sloganau cyfoes i gyd-fynd â'r strategaeth coetiroedd. Gallwn fod yn temtio ffawd drwy wahodd cyfraniadau ar hyn, serch hynny.
Rydych chi'n iawn o ran, mewn gwirionedd, pwysigrwydd dod o hyd i ffyrdd o werthfawrogi coed, a byddaf yn sicr yn ymchwilio i adroddiad Coleg y Brenin, y gwnaethoch chi sôn amdano; mae'n swnio'n ddiddorol iawn. Nid oeddwn i'n gwybod, ond mewn gwirionedd, mae gennym ni fforestydd glaw yng Nghymru hefyd. Ond, o ran ffyrdd o werthfawrogi coed, siaradais yn ddiweddar mewn digwyddiad Meysydd Chwarae Cymru, a'r hyn a oedd yn wirioneddol arwyddocaol am hynny oedd eu bod yn rhoi—. Rydym ni'n gwybod bod coed yn werthfawr o ran y buddion amgylcheddol, cymdeithasol ac iechyd a lles a'r buddion ehangach niferus sy'n gysylltiedig â nhw, ond roedden nhw wedi'i roi yn ei gyd-destun, mewn gwirionedd, trwy ddweud, os cewch chi wared ar y parc hwn, neu'r man gwyrdd hwn, mae ganddo werth economaidd i'r gymuned a'r ardal ehangach. Rwy'n credu ei bod yn wirioneddol bwysig ein bod yn gallu crynhoi hynny mewn ystyr ehangach i bwysleisio'n wirioneddol i bobl, werth ein coetiroedd a'n mannau gwyrdd.
Mae coetiroedd cymunedol yn hanfodol, a dyna pam y mae gan Lywodraeth Cymru gynlluniau fel y cynllun coetiroedd cydweithredol, ac yn gweithio gyda Llais y Goedwig a chyswllt rhwydwaith cymunedol i gefnogi prosiectau cymunedol, a pherchnogaeth yn yr ystyr, mewn gwirionedd—mae pobl yn teimlo perchnogaeth, beth bynnag, o'r coetir sy'n agos iddyn nhw neu'r mannau gwyrdd, ond mewn gwirionedd, perchnogaeth yn yr ystyr fwy llythrennol. Ac mae'n ymwneud â mynediad ar gyfer pobl ifanc, y prosiect Plant! er enghraifft, ac rwy'n falch y pwysleisiodd y strategaeth y rhan y mae coetiroedd a mannau gwyrdd, coedwig, yn ei chwarae o ran addysg, oherwydd nid wyf i'n credu y gallwch chi danbrisio'r ffaith, i rai plant, trwy eu harwain i'r awyr agored mewn ysgol goedwig, cymryd rhan mewn eco-ysgolion, rydych yn gweld newid llwyr a'r cyfleoedd a ddaw yn sgil hynny. Felly, hefyd mae hynny'n rhywbeth yr wyf yn awyddus i'w archwilio gyda fy nghyd-Aelod, Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet dros Addysg o ran, mewn gwirionedd, y modd o gysoni hynny yn y cwricwlwm newydd yn y dyfodol a sut yr ydym yn gallu, mewn gwirionedd, gwneud yn siŵr o oedran ifancach—a chynnal hynny yn yr ysgol uwchradd hefyd—fod mwy o bobl ifanc yn elwa ar ein mannau gwyrdd a'n coetiroedd, ac yn ogystal â hynny, mewn gwirionedd, yn cael cyfle o bosib trwy hynny i ddatblygu sgiliau a llwybr gyrfa yn y dyfodol hefyd.
Diolch i'r Gweinidog.
Thank you, Minister.
Yr eitem olaf ar ein hagenda ni am y prynhawn yma yw'r datganiad gan y Gweinidog Tai ac Adfywio ar integreiddio tai, iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, a galwaf ar y Gweinidog i wneud ei datganiad—Rebecca Evans.
The final item on the agenda this afternoon is a statement by the Minister for Housing and Regeneration on integrating housing, health and social care, and I call on the Minister to make her statement—Rebecca Evans.
Diolch. The Welsh Government knows just how important secure, good quality housing is to the health and well-being of the communities we serve. We understand the considerable pressures on both health and social services, and we know that housing organisations and housing services have a vital contribution to make in responding to those pressures. Whilst housing and social care are both key priorities in our programme for government and our national strategy, 'Prosperity for All', we recognise that we are not going to respond to the needs of people in Wales if the housing and social care agendas are pursued separately.
The parliamentary review of health and social care recognised the role that housing can play in promoting and sustaining good health and well-being. Similarly, poor or inappropriate housing can have a detrimental effect. 'A Healthier Wales', our plan in response to the parliamentary review, provides us with an important opportunity to take further strides along the integration agenda. It provides us with an opportunity for a step change in how we deliver health and social care in Wales, including through new models of seamless local health and social care. We are committed to responding to the challenge. We are committed to doing so across Government. And we recognise the need for housing to be at the heart of this work.
Our integration agenda is supported by the integrated care fund. The fund comprises both revenue and capital funds and aims to improve public services by making collaborative working an explicit requirement for local authorities and local health boards, whilst allowing a space for innovation. The fund is a key component in reducing unnecessary hospital admissions, inappropriate admissions to residential care, and delayed transfers of care. We have seen a marked decrease in delayed transfers of care since the fund was introduced, but I know there is more we can do. The fund supports a number of objectives, including developing homes much more suited for older people, people with dementia or learning disabilities, or young people with complex needs, alongside care and support.
Diolch. Mae Llywodraeth Cymru yn gwybod pa mor bwysig yw tai diogel, o ansawdd da i iechyd a lles y cymunedau yr ydym yn eu gwasanaethu. Rydym ni'n deall y pwysau sylweddol ar iechyd a gwasanaethau cymdeithasol, ac rydym yn gwybod bod cyfraniad sefydliadau tai a gwasanaethau tai yn hanfodol i ymateb i'r pwysau hynny. Er bod tai a gofal cymdeithasol ill dau yn flaenoriaethau allweddol yn ein rhaglen lywodraethu a'n strategaeth genedlaethol, 'Ffyniant i bawb', rydym yn cydnabod na fyddwn yn ymateb i anghenion pobl yng Nghymru trwy ddilyn yr agendâu tai a gofal cymdeithasol ar wahân.
Roedd yr arolwg seneddol o iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yn cydnabod y rhan y gall tai ei chwarae wrth hyrwyddo a chynnal iechyd da a lles. Yn yr un modd, gall tai gwael neu amhriodol arwain at effaith niweidiol. Mae 'Cymru Iachach', ein cynllun i ymateb i'r adolygiad seneddol, yn rhoi cyfle pwysig i ni gymryd camau breision ar yr agenda integreiddio. Mae'n rhoi cyfle i ni newid yn sylweddol ein ffordd o ddarparu iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yng Nghymru, gan gynnwys trwy fodelau newydd o iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol lleol a di-dor. Rydym wedi ymrwymo i ymateb i'r her. Rydym wedi ymrwymo i wneud hynny ar draws y Llywodraeth. Ac rydym yn cydnabod yr angen i dai fod wrth wraidd y gwaith hwn.
Cefnogir ein hagenda integreiddio gan y gronfa gofal integredig. Mae'r gronfa yn cynnwys cronfeydd refeniw a chyfalaf a'i nod yw gwella gwasanaethau cyhoeddus trwy wneud cydweithredu yn ofyniad penodol i awdurdodau lleol a byrddau iechyd lleol, a chaniatáu lle ar gyfer arloesi ar yr un pryd. Mae'r gronfa yn elfen allweddol o leihau derbyniadau diangen i'r ysbyty, derbyniadau amhriodol i ofal preswyl, ac oedi wrth drosglwyddo gofal. Rydym ni wedi gweld gostyngiad nodedig yn yr oedi wrth drosglwyddo gofal ers cyflwyno'r gronfa, ond gwn fod mwy y gallwn ei wneud. Mae'r gronfa yn cefnogi nifer o amcanion, gan gynnwys datblygu cartrefi llawer mwy addas i bobl hŷn, pobl â dementia neu anableddau dysgu, neu bobl ifanc ag anghenion cymhleth, ochr yn ochr â gofal a chymorth.
Whilst the fund is already beginning to support accommodation-led solutions to social care, alongside both housing and health capital programmes, I want to move towards developing a more scalable, strategic programme of capital investment, which has housing at its core. I want us to up our game with this fund and move away from delivering just smaller—but important—localised projects to a much more innovative and truly integrated approach, prioritising accommodation-led solutions that are explicitly designed to lessen the demands on social care budgets. I am very pleased to be working closely with the Minister for Children, Older People and Social Care to better align what we do in housing and social care. The Minister for Children, Older People and Social Care and I visited an extra-care housing and care scheme under construction in Maesteg yesterday, which has care and support at its heart. Its development is informed by an assessment of local population need and local housing need and it's the kind of project we want to see more of.
I am pleased, therefore, to announce a new three-year capital programme of £105 million to support a move to a more strategic and scalable approach to accommodation-led solutions to health and social care needs. I want to see this accommodation-led approach embedded in the models of care we develop for older people and other vulnerable groups. We know the role that housing plays in people’s health and wellbeing. Housing is the platform to prevention and early intervention for social care, and it's also the key to helping make services more sustainable. The new £105 million integrated care fund capital programme aims to maximise the contribution housing interventions can make to improve service delivery, whilst also alleviating the pressures on the NHS and the delivery of social care.
Additionally, this programme responds to a number of recommendations in the report, ‘Our Housing AGEnda: meeting the aspirations of older people in Wales’, which set out a wide-ranging programme of change when it was published last year. It highlighted the need for concerted action at a variety of levels. The report was a call for action, not only by Welsh Government, but by a wide range of other stakeholders across the public, private and third sectors. The expert group behind the report recognised the importance of action at a variety of levels to bring about transformational change. The report will continue to provide a road map of the further changes still required if we are to respond adequately to the housing, health and social care challenges we face in Wales.
We are driving the integration agenda by supporting the health, social care and housing sectors to work much more collaboratively through regional partnership boards. These boards are provided for by the Social Services and Well-being (Wales) Act 2014 and are the responsible for making the strategic investment decisions for the integrated care fund. They bring together health, social services, the third sector, citizens, and other partners. They have integration at their very core. I am determined to see the voice of housing coming through even more strongly in the work of regional partnership boards. The housing contribution to more effective care and support can’t simply be an optional extra; it needs to be at the core of our efforts to integrate services so as to achieve the greatest impact. So, I am pleased to be able to tell Members that we will be making housing a statutory member of regional partnership boards, and officials are exploring how this can be most effectively implemented.
Of course, providing new accommodation shouldn't be seen as the only solution. It's essential we support people to continue to live independently in their own homes as their needs change. We know that aids and adaptations are often a lifeline to people who experience a disabling environment. A suitable, well-adapted home can make the difference to someone’s ability to live independently and receive health and social care close to home, avoiding admission to hospital, or having to move to long-term residential care. We have already introduced important improvements to the system of providing small-scale aids and adaptations to help people do this. The new approach, called Enable, is focused on greater efficiency by simplifying and speeding up the process of getting an adaptation. It does this by determining the most efficient way to deliver an aid or adaptation to meet someone’s need, as there a number of funding sources available depending on a person’s circumstances and tenure. The new system also collects data to help us understand how we can improve this process still further. However, we recognise our current improved system can still be complex and needs streamlining, and a recent report by the Wales Audit Office supports that view. So, I have announced that we will be taking forward a further change programme in this area and we will be consulting on these changes in due course. We must streamline the funding and provision of services to make it more citizen focused, transparent and consistent in its delivery.
These important areas of work, alongside the new programme of capital investment, are all aimed at helping people who need support to receive the right support, whether they are older people with complex needs and long-term conditions, people with learning disabilities, children with complex health needs, or carers. Our plan for health and social care recognises the significant role appropriate housing can play in moving health and social services closer to communities in a year when we are celebrating the seventieth anniversary of the NHS, which was of course born here in Wales. What's not always appreciated is that Nye Bevan was Minister for health and housing, and his contribution to improving the quality and volume of available housing was significant. He understood that for people to live long and healthy lives they needed access to appropriate housing, and it is in that spirit that I make this statement today.
Er bod y gronfa eisoes yn dechrau cefnogi atebion a arweinir gan lety i ofal cymdeithasol, ochr yn ochr â rhaglenni cyfalaf tai ac iechyd, rwyf eisiau symud tuag at ddatblygu rhaglen fwy ymestynnol, strategol o fuddsoddi cyfalaf, sydd â thai wrth ei chraidd. Rwyf am inni wella ein perfformiad gyda'r gronfa hon a symud oddi wrth gyflawni dim ond prosiectau llai—ond pwysig—lleol i ddull llawer mwy arloesol a gwirioneddol integredig, blaenoriaethu atebion a arweinir gan lety sydd wedi'u cynllunio'n benodol i leihau'r galw ar gyllidebau gofal cymdeithasol. Rwy'n falch iawn o fod yn gweithio'n agos gyda'r Gweinidog Plant, Pobl Hŷn a Gofal Cymdeithasol er mwyn cyfochri'n well yr hyn yr ydym ni'n ei wneud ym maes tai a gofal cymdeithasol. Aeth y Gweinidog Plant, Pobl Hŷn a Gofal Cymdeithasol a minnau ar ymweliad â chynllun tai â gofal ychwanegol a gofal sy'n cael ei adeiladu ym Maesteg ddoe, sydd â gofal a chymorth wrth ei wraidd. Mae ei ddatblygiad yn seiliedig ar asesiad o anghenion y boblogaeth leol ac angen lleol am dai a dyma'r math o brosiect yr ydym ni eisiau gweld mwy ohonynt.
Rwy'n falch, felly, i gyhoeddi rhaglen gyfalaf tair blynedd newydd o £105 miliwn i gefnogi symudiad tuag at ymagwedd fwy strategol ac ymestynnol o atebion a arweinir gan lety i anghenion iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol. Rwyf eisiau gweld y dull hwn a arweinir gan lety yn cael ei ymwreiddio yn y modelau gofal yr ydym ni'n eu datblygu ar gyfer pobl hŷn a grwpiau eraill sy'n agored i niwed. Gwyddom am swyddogaeth tai yn iechyd a lles pobl. Tai yw'r llwyfan i atal ac ymyrraeth gynnar ar gyfer gofal cymdeithasol, ac maent hefyd yn allweddol i helpu i wneud gwasanaethau yn fwy cynaliadwy. Nod y rhaglen gyfalaf gronfa gofal integredig newydd o £105 miliwn yw manteisio i'r eithaf ar y cyfraniad y gall ymyriadau tai ei wneud i wella darpariaeth gwasanaethau, gan hefyd ysgafnhau'r pwysau ar y GIG a darpariaeth gofal cymdeithasol.
Yn ogystal â hyn, mae'r rhaglen hon yn ymateb i nifer o argymhellion yn yr adroddiad, 'Tai i’r dyfodol: diwallu dyheadau pobl hŷn Cymru', a oedd yn nodi rhaglen eang o newid pan gafodd ei gyhoeddi y llynedd. Tynnodd sylw at yr angen am weithredu cydlynol ar amrywiaeth o lefelau. Roedd yr adroddiad yn alwad i weithredu, nid yn unig gan Lywodraeth Cymru, ond gan amrywiaeth eang o randdeiliaid eraill ar draws y sector cyhoeddus, y sector preifat a'r trydydd sector. Cydnabu'r grŵp arbenigol a luniodd yr adroddiad bwysigrwydd gweithredu ar amrywiaeth o lefelau i sicrhau newid trawsffurfiol. Bydd yr adroddiad yn parhau i ddarparu llwybr ar gyfer y newidiadau pellach sy'n dal i fod yn ofynnol os ydym ni i ymateb yn ddigonol i'r heriau tai, iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol sy'n ein hwynebu yng Nghymru.
Rydym yn ysgogi'r agenda integreiddio drwy gefnogi'r sectorau iechyd, gofal cymdeithasol a thai i gydweithio llawer mwy drwy fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol. Darperir ar gyfer y byrddau gan Ddeddf Gwasanaethau Cymdeithasol a Llesiant (Cymru) 2014 ac maen nhw'n gyfrifol am wneud y penderfyniadau buddsoddi strategol ar gyfer y gronfa gofal integredig. Maen nhw'n tynnu ynghyd iechyd, gwasanaethau cymdeithasol, y trydydd sector, dinasyddion, a phartneriaid eraill. Mae integreiddio yn gwbl allweddol iddynt. Rwy'n benderfynol o weld llais tai yn dod i'r amlwg hyd yn oed yn fwy yng ngwaith y byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol. Ni all cyfraniad tai i ofal a chymorth mwy effeithiol fod yn elfen ychwanegol ddewisol yn unig; mae angen iddo fod wrth wraidd ein hymdrechion i integreiddio gwasanaethau er mwyn sicrhau'r effaith fwyaf. Felly, rwy'n falch o allu dweud wrth yr Aelodau y byddwn ni'n gwneud tai yn aelod statudol o'r byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol, ac mae swyddogion yn ystyried sut y gellir gweithredu hyn yn y modd mwyaf effeithiol.
Wrth gwrs, ni ddylid ystyried mai darparu llety newydd yw'r unig ateb. Mae'n hanfodol inni gefnogi pobl i barhau i fyw'n annibynnol yn eu cartrefi eu hunain wrth i'w hanghenion newid. Rydym ni'n gwybod bod cymhorthion ac addasiadau yn aml yn achubiaeth i bobl sy'n cael profiad o amgylchedd sy'n anablu. Gall cartref addas, sydd wedi'i addasu'n dda, wneud y gwahaniaeth i allu rhywun i fyw'n annibynnol ac i gael gofal iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yn agos i gartref, osgoi cael eu derbyn i'r ysbyty, neu orfod symud i ofal preswyl hirdymor. Rydym eisoes wedi cyflwyno gwelliannau pwysig i'r system o ddarparu addasiadau a chymhorthion ar raddfa fach i helpu pobl i wneud hyn. Mae'r ymagwedd newydd, o'r enw Hwyluso, yn canolbwyntio ar fwy o effeithlonrwydd drwy symleiddio a chyflymu'r broses o gael addasiad. Mae'n gwneud hyn drwy benderfynu ar y ffordd fwyaf effeithlon o ddarparu cymorth neu addasiadau i ddiwallu angen rhywun, gan fod nifer o ffynonellau ariannu ar gael yn dibynnu ar amgylchiadau a deiliadaeth person. Mae'r system newydd yn casglu data hefyd i'n helpu ni i ddeall sut y gallwn ni wella'r broses hon ymhellach. Fodd bynnag, rydym yn cydnabod y gall ein system bresennol sydd wedi'i gwella fod yn gymhleth o hyd ac mae angen ei symleiddio, ac mae adroddiad diweddar gan Swyddfa Archwilio Cymru yn ategu'r farn honno. Felly, rwyf wedi cyhoeddi y byddwn ni'n cyflwyno rhaglen newid arall yn y maes hwn a byddwn ni'n ymgynghori ar y newidiadau hyn maes o law. Mae'n rhaid inni symleiddio'r broses o ariannu a darparu gwasanaethau er mwyn canolbwyntio mwy ar y dinesydd, a bod yn dryloyw a chyson wrth ei chyflwyno.
Nod yr holl feysydd pwysig hyn o waith, ochr yn ochr â'r rhaglen newydd o fuddsoddiad cyfalaf, yw helpu pobl sydd angen cymorth i gael y cymorth iawn, p'un a ydyn nhw'n bobl hŷn ag anghenion cymhleth a chyflyrau hirdymor, pobl ag anableddau dysgu, plant ag anghenion iechyd cymhleth, neu ofalwyr. Mae ein cynllun ar gyfer iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yn cydnabod y rhan sylweddol y gall tai priodol ei chwarae wrth symud iechyd a gwasanaethau cymdeithasol yn agosach at gymunedau, a hynny mewn blwyddyn pan rydym ni'n dathlu pen-blwydd y Gwasanaeth Iechyd Gwladol yn 70, gwasanaeth a anwyd yma yng Nghymru, wrth gwrs. Yr hyn na werthfawrogir bob amser yw bod Nye Bevan yn Weinidog iechyd a thai, ac roedd ei gyfraniad ef at wella ansawdd a nifer y tai sydd ar gael yn sylweddol. Roedd e'n deall bod angen tai addas ar bobl er mwyn byw bywydau hir ac iach, ac yn yr ysbryd hwnnw, rwy'n gwneud y datganiad hwn heddiw.
I'd like to thank the Minister for bringing forward this statement today, the content of which is very welcome to us, because you have pinpointed with accuracy that lifestyle, transport, housing and design are vital elements of how we're going to be able to move forward in a more integrated way and to have a healthier Wales. It's very vital because home is going to be increasingly the place where our health and our social care needs are delivered, and of course, no single part of the system can possibly hope to answer all of our needs. Michael Marmot's 'Fair Society, Healthy Lives' really highlighted the significance of the wider issues that impact on health. In fact, they say often, don't they, that housing, employment and education are the causes of the causes of ill health. So, I think anything that Welsh Government, with the support of the Assembly, can do to tackle some of these issues is incredibly important.
Having said all the nice words—and you'd be disappointed by anything else—I just want to challenge you on a couple of points and ask for some explanations in a couple of other areas. The parliamentary review of social care did indeed recognise the role that housing can play, however, your response, or the Government's response—'A Healthier Wales'—your plan in response to that parliamentary review, had very, very little on housing. You talked about new partnerships between health and housing, you talked about area plans that would provide a robust platform, but perhaps you can give us a little bit more information about how crucial a role housing will be enabled to play in delivering this vision of a healthier Wales. You do make a very strong assertion that there's been a marked decrease in delayed transfers of care and I'd be really interested to know where those statistics have come, from because I've yet to be able to put my hand on my heart to say that that is there, because of course it's been one of the key components of our winter pressures and all the rest of it. We don't see it out there on the street and I'd like to know how you have that.
You talk about upping the game with the fund and delivering larger projects and you talked about going out with the Minister for Children, Older People and Social Care and seeing new plans. Can you please tell us how you're going to ensure that local authority planning departments come on board with this? Time and time again in my area, I know of great initiatives that bring together housing and care that are being turned down by local planning authorities because they don't meet some criteria in the planning documentation. We've got to get over this and start building the houses that people really need. I absolutely welcome the £105 million of extra money to support this more scalable approach and it's really good to see that it's tying in across the whole of the United Kingdom, isn't it, because the UK Government have also announced this better care fund with a significantly larger sum of money, but they're a slightly larger country. So, it's good to see that everyone's going down—this is a good direction of travel.
I would ask you to perhaps cast your eyes over David Melding's White Paper 'Liveable Cities', because it's from the Welsh Conservative think tank and it does, very much, focus on socially inclusive and environmentally sustainable homes and cities and environments that can be built on the principles of the health and well-being of the citizens. Going back to what are the causes of the causes of ill health—it is your home, it is your environment, your education and your employment prospects. Also, could you please, actually, just give us a quick bit of an overview on the adaptation side? You talk about the new fund, but we do, very often, have this scenario where a house is very expensively adapted for somebody who has needs, and when they move out, those adaptations are then ripped out, at great cost to us all, and then somebody else moves in to get a sort of baseline home. This is nonsense; surely we should just be making sure the appropriate person moves into that.
Two more questions. What measurements do you have in place to measure the success of this extra funding? How will you know if it's hitting the nail on the head and doing what it should be doing and how are you going to apportion it across the areas of greatest needs or across the areas of Wales? And, finally, I come back to that planning authority and planning permission again. We do need different types of houses and we should be building homes that already have—either bungalows, or, if we're tight on space, we should have extra wide stairs going up so that you can put a stairlift in if you need to, because people want to stay in their home and they want to remain in that home. We're trying to encourage them to do that. We need to build homes where it is easier to put in hoists. We need to build homes where it is easier to adapt a kitchen. And those are the things that we need to start looking at in the design principles for our housing stock going forward if we truly want to buy in to the fact that people are going to stay in their home, they're going to receive their healthcare in their home, they're going to receive their social care in their home, hopefully until the end of their days. This is a great direction of travel, it's a good initiative, but I'd really like to see some teeth put into this, because it's a lot of money and I'm worried that we won't achieve what we need to achieve.
Hoffwn ddiolch i'r Gweinidog am gyflwyno'r datganiad hwn heddiw, ac rydym yn croesawu'r cynnwys yn fawr, oherwydd rydych chi wedi taro'r hoelen ar ei phen, o ran y ffaith bod ffordd o fyw, trafnidiaeth, tai a dylunio yn elfennau hanfodol o sut yr ydym ni'n mynd i allu symud ymlaen mewn ffordd fwy integredig, ac i greu Cymru iachach. Mae'n hanfodol iawn oherwydd gartref fydd anghenion iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yn cael eu darparu yn gynyddol, ac wrth gwrs, ni all unrhyw un rhan o'r system obeithio ateb ein holl anghenion. Gwnaeth 'Fair Society, Healthy Lives' Michael Marmot amlygu arwyddocâd y materion ehangach sy'n effeithio ar iechyd. Yn wir, maen nhw'n dweud yn aml, on'd ydyn nhw, mai tai, cyflogaeth ac addysg sy'n achosi'r hyn sy'n achosi salwch. Rwy'n credu felly, bod unrhyw beth y gall Llywodraeth Cymru ei wneud, gyda chefnogaeth y Cynulliad, i fynd i'r afael â rhai o'r materion hyn, yn eithriadol o bwysig.
Ar ôl dweud yr holl eiriau caredig—a byddech yn cael eich siomi gan unrhyw beth arall—rwyf eisiau eich herio chi ar un neu ddau o bwyntiau a gofyn am rai esboniadau mewn ychydig o feysydd eraill. Fe wnaeth yr arolwg seneddol o ofal cymdeithasol yn wir gydnabod y rhan y gallai tai ei chwarae, ond, nid oedd llawer iawn o gwbl am dai yn eich ymateb chi, neu ymateb y Llywodraeth—'Cymru Iachach'—eich cynllun chi yn ymateb i'r adolygiad seneddol hwnnw. Fe wnaethoch chi sôn am bartneriaethau newydd rhwng iechyd a thai, ac fe wnaethoch chi sôn am gynlluniau ardal a fyddai'n darparu cyfrwng cadarn, ond efallai y gallwch chi roi ychydig bach mwy o wybodaeth inni am ba mor allweddol fydd swyddogaeth tai yn gallu bod wrth gyflawni'r weledigaeth hon o Gymru iachach. Rydych chi'n gwneud honiad cryf iawn y bu gostyngiad nodedig o ran oedi wrth drosglwyddo gofal a byddai gennyf wir ddiddordeb mewn gwybod o ble y daeth yr ystadegau hynny, oherwydd dydw i ddim hyd yn hyn yn gallu rhoi fy llaw ar fy nghalon a dweud eu bod yn bodoli, oherwydd, wrth gwrs, bu'n un o elfennau allweddol y pwysau yn ystod y gaeaf ac yn y blaen. Dydyn ni ddim yn ei weld allan yn y fan honno ar y stryd a hoffwn i wybod sut y mae gennych chi.
Rydych chi'n sôn am wella perfformiad gyda'r gronfa a chyflawni prosiectau mwy o faint ac fe wnaethoch chi sôn am fynd allan gyda'r Gweinidog Plant, Pobl Hŷn a Gofal Cymdeithasol a gweld cynlluniau newydd. A allwch chi ddweud wrthym ni sut yr ydych chi'n mynd i sicrhau bod adrannau cynllunio awdurdodau lleol yn ymuno â ni ar hyn? Dro ar ôl tro yn fy ardal i, rwy'n gwybod am fentrau gwych sy'n dwyn ynghyd tai a gofal sy'n cael eu gwrthod gan awdurdodau cynllunio lleol oherwydd nad ydyn nhw'n bodloni ryw faen prawf yn y dogfennau cynllunio. Mae'n rhaid inni oresgyn hyn a dechrau adeiladu'r tai y mae pobl eu hangen mewn gwirionedd. Rwy'n croesawu'n fawr y £105 miliwn o arian ychwanegol i gefnogi'r dull mwy ymestynnol hwn ac mae'n dda iawn gweld ei fod yn cysylltu â gweddill y Deyrnas Unedig, on'd yw, oherwydd mae Llywodraeth y DU hefyd wedi cyhoeddi'r gronfa gofal gwell hon gyda swm llawer mwy o arian, ond maen nhw'n wlad ychydig yn fwy. Felly, mae'n dda gweld bod pawb yn dilyn—mae hwn yn gyfeiriad da i fynd iddo.
Byddwn yn gofyn i chi efallai fwrw golwg ar Bapur Gwyn David Melding 'Dinasoedd Byw', oherwydd mae wedi dod o felin drafod y Ceidwadwyr Cymreig ac mae'n canolbwyntio'n helaeth ar gartrefi sy'n gynhwysol yn gymdeithasol ac sy'n amgylcheddol gynaliadwy a dinasoedd ac amgylcheddau y gellir eu hadeiladu ar egwyddorion iechyd a lles dinasyddion. Gan fynd yn ôl i'r hyn sy'n achosi yr hyn sy'n achosi afiechyd—eich cartref, eich amgylchedd, eich addysg a'ch rhagolygon o ran cyflogaeth yw hynny. Hefyd, os gwelwch yn dda, a wnewch chi, mewn gwirionedd, roi ychydig o drosolwg cyflym ar yr ochr ymaddasu? Rydych chi'n sôn am y gronfa newydd, ond mae gennym ni, yn aml iawn, y senario hwn lle caiff tŷ ei addasu yn gostus iawn i rywun sydd ag anghenion, a phan fydd yn symud allan, caiff yr addasiadau hynny wedyn eu rhwygo allan, ar gost fawr i ni i gyd, ac yna bydd rhywun arall yn symud i mewn i gael ryw fath o gartref sylfaenol. Mae hyn yn nonsens; siawns na ddylem ni fod yn gwneud yn siŵr bod yr unigolyn priodol yn symud i mewn i hwnnw.
Dau gwestiwn arall. Pa fesuriadau sydd gennych ar waith i fesur llwyddiant yr arian ychwanegol hwn? Sut y byddwch chi'n gwybod a yw'n taro'r hoelen ar ei phen ac yn gwneud yr hyn y dylai ei wneud a sut rydych chi'n mynd i'w ddosrannu ar draws y meysydd lle ceir yr anghenion mwyaf neu ar draws ardaloedd Cymru? Ac, yn olaf, rwy'n dod yn ôl i'r awdurdod cynllunio hwnnw a chaniatâd cynllunio unwaith eto. Mae angen gwahanol fathau o dai arnom ni a dylem ni fod yn adeiladu cartrefi sydd eisoes â—naill ai byngalos, neu, os ydym ni'n brin o le, dylai fod gennym risiau llydan iawn yn mynd i fyny er mwyn gallu gosod lifft grisiau os bydd angen i chi wneud hynny, oherwydd mae pobl eisiau aros yn eu cartref ac maen nhw eisiau parhau i fyw yn y cartref hwnnw. Rydym ni'n ceisio eu hannog i wneud hynny. Mae angen inni adeiladu cartrefi lle mae'n haws gosod teclynnau codi ynddynt. Mae angen inni adeiladu cartrefi lle mae'n haws i addasu cegin. A dyna'r pethau y mae angen inni ddechrau eu hystyried yn yr egwyddorion dylunio ar gyfer ein stoc dai yn y dyfodol os ydym ni wir eisiau cefnogi'r ffaith bod pobl yn mynd i aros yn eu cartrefi, eu bod nhw'n mynd i gael eu gofal iechyd yn eu cartrefi, eu bod nhw'n mynd i gael eu gofal cymdeithasol yn eu cartrefi, gobeithio tan ddiwedd eu hoes. Mae hwn yn gyfeiriad gwych i fynd iddo, mae'n fenter dda, ond mewn gwirionedd, hoffwn i ei gweld yn cael ei chryfhau, oherwydd mae'n llawer o arian ac rwy'n poeni na fyddwn ni'n cyflawni'r hyn y mae angen inni ei gyflawni.
I thank you very much for those questions and for the warm welcome that you gave at the start of the contribution, and for your recognition about the importance of housing in the wider health and social care agenda. And we're not just talking about housing; you made the point that, actually, we're talking about homes, and when we listen to people, they generally tell us that home is where they want to be. I think that social care and provision of care closer to home and, ideally, at home, is certainly the way forward in supporting people to have that aspiration realised.
You referred to the parliamentary review; well, our statement today is very much part of our response to that parliamentary review from the housing perspective and it's done very much in association with health and social care as well. You referred to the fact that the parliamentary review called for a new partnership between health and social services and housing. I think what we're setting out today, through the integrated care fund, is very much that new partnership and we're making sure that that has housing at its heart by ensuring that regional partnership boards will, in future, have housing as statutory members of those boards. When I was Minister for social services, I recognised then the important role that housing could make and I encouraged regional partnership boards to include housing on those boards. And, I think it's fair to say, it was done with varying degrees of success across the different regional partnership boards in Wales. In recognition of that now, we realised that now is the time to consider how we can put that on a legislative footing, so, we intend to bring forward regulations to give housing that status and focus that it really needs on those regional partnership boards.
You referred to delayed transfers of care. I'll ask the Minister to write to you with the very latest statistics, but they are published monthly, I believe, by the Welsh Government. Some of those figures that we are seeing are amongst the lowest that we've ever seen in Wales since the records began, 13 or 14, I think, years ago, and that is quite extraordinary, given the fact that we are in a position now where demands on hospitals, especially in that kind of setting, are increasing. So, I recognise that we are making improvements in this area, but as I said in my statement, there is much more that we can do and that we need to do. This announcement I'm making today is part of our response to that challenge as well.
You quite rightly mentioned the issue of local authorities and planning and how they can enable this kind of agenda. This was very much recognised by Professor Phillips's 'Our Housing AGEnda' report, which is referred to in the statement, and the expert group that informed that statement focused on how the planning system can better support an aging population. The revised 'Planning Policy Wales' requires planning authorities to identify where interventions may be required to deliver older people's housing when there has been a need for that locally, and this may include the identification of specific sites and policies in local development plans. Consultation on a revised draft of 'Planning Policy Wales' has recently closed, and I'm sure the Cabinet Secretary will be making an update on that very shortly.
I was aware of the 'Liveable Cities' document. I was really pleased to respond to that debate just a couple of weeks ago, and it really was an excellent debate, and I think recognition from all sides about the important role of how we design our cities in terms of the benefits, or otherwise, it can bring to our health. I'm keen to see accommodation-led regeneration in our towns and cities as well, because we had questions to the First Minister today that focused on the impact that the downturn in retail and the changing patterns of consumer spend are having on the high street, and there's certainly opportunity, I think, to ensure that our high streets become places where people want to live, because there are lots of benefits there in terms of being in the middle of all of the action, and also having larger numbers of people living in our town centres is obviously good for those retail businesses that remain.
In terms of adaptations, we're very focused within our new fund to ensure that adaptations do continue to be resourced as they should be. So, within that £105 million, there is a main capital programme, which would be a minimum of 75 per cent of the spend, and a discretionary capital programme, which would be a maximum of 25 per cent of the spend. Within that discretionary capital programme, we would expect regional partnership boards to consider aids and adaptations that are not supported by existing programmes and that are in support of those specific objectives of the ICF, which are older people, people with learning disabilities, children with complex needs, and carers. They could look at equipment projects, which support people to live independently in their own home and to reduce hospital admissions or speed up that hospital discharge, or other smaller scale projects in support of the ICF objectives. So, those projects could be community-led or third sector-led, because the social services and well-being Act also is very focused on ensuring that we do support those third sector organisations and co-operatives and so on to be able to deliver services within the community as well.
Diolch ichi am y cwestiynau hynny ac am y croeso cynnes a roesoch chi ar ddechrau'r cyfraniad, ac am gydnabod pwysigrwydd tai yn yr agenda iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol ehangach. A dydyn ni ddim yn sôn am dai yn unig; fe wnaethoch chi'r pwynt, ein bod mewn gwirionedd yn sôn am gartrefi, a phan rydym yn gwrando ar bobl, maen nhw yn gyffredinol yn dweud wrthym mai gartref y maen nhw eisiau bod. Rwyf i yn sicr o'r farn mai darparu gofal cymdeithasol a gofal yn nes at y cartref ac, yn ddelfrydol, yn y cartref, yw'r ffordd ymlaen wrth gefnogi pobl i wireddu'r dyhead hwnnw.
Fe wnaethoch chi gyfeirio at yr arolwg seneddol; wel, mae ein datganiad heddiw yn rhan bwysig o'n hymateb i'r adolygiad seneddol hwnnw o safbwynt tai a gwneir hynny yn sicr mewn cysylltiad ag iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol hefyd. Fe wnaethoch chi gyfeirio at y ffaith bod yr arolwg seneddol yn galw am bartneriaeth newydd rhwng iechyd a gwasanaethau cymdeithasol a thai. Rwy'n credu mai'r hyn yr ydym ni'n ei nodi heddiw, drwy'r gronfa gofal integredig, yw'r bartneriaeth newydd honno ac rydym ni'n gwneud yn siŵr bod tai wrth wraidd honno drwy sicrhau y bydd byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol yn y dyfodol ag adrannau tai fel aelodau statudol o'r byrddau hynny. Pan oeddwn i'n Weinidog gwasanaethau cymdeithasol, fe wnes i gydnabod bryd hynny y swyddogaeth bwysig y gallai fod gan dai ac anogais fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol i gynnwys tai ar y byrddau hynny. Ac mae'n deg dweud, cafodd ei wneud â graddau amrywiol o lwyddiant ar draws y gwahanol fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol yng Nghymru. I gydnabod hynny yn awr, roeddem yn sylweddoli mai nawr yw'r amser i ystyried sut y gallwn ni roi hynny ar sylfaen ddeddfwriaethol, felly, rydym yn bwriadu cyflwyno rheoliadau i roi'r statws a'r pwyslais hwnnw i dai y mae ei angen mewn gwirionedd ar y byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol hynny.
Fe wnaethoch chi gyfeirio at oedi wrth drosglwyddo gofal. Fe wnaf ofyn i'r Gweinidog ysgrifennu atoch â'r ystadegau diweddaraf, ond maen nhw'n cael eu cyhoeddi bob mis, rwy'n credu, gan Lywodraeth Cymru. Mae rhai o'r ffigurau hynny yr ydym ni'n eu gweld ymhlith yr isaf a welsom erioed yng Nghymru ers i'r cofnodion ddechrau, 13 neu 14, rwy'n meddwl, o flynyddoedd yn ôl, ac mae hynny'n eithaf rhyfeddol, o ystyried y ffaith ein bod ni mewn sefyllfa bellach lle mae'r galw ar ysbytai, yn enwedig yn y math hwnnw o leoliad, yn cynyddu. Felly, rwy'n cydnabod ein bod yn gwneud gwelliannau yn y maes hwn, ond fel y dywedais yn fy natganiad, mae llawer mwy y gallwn ni ei wneud ac y mae angen inni ei wneud. Mae'r cyhoeddiad hwn yr wyf yn ei wneud heddiw yn rhan o'n hymateb i'r her honno hefyd.
Fe wnaethoch chi sôn yn gwbl briodol am awdurdodau lleol a chynllunio a sut y gallan nhw alluogi'r math hwn o agenda. Cafodd hyn ei gydnabod yn helaeth yn adroddiad 'Tai i’r dyfodol' yr Athro Phillips, y cyfeirir ato yn y datganiad, ac fe wnaeth y grŵp arbenigol a hysbysodd y datganiad hwnnw ganolbwyntio ar sut y gall y system gynllunio gefnogi poblogaeth sy'n heneiddio yn well. Mae 'Polisi Cynllunio Cymru' diwygiedig yn ei gwneud yn ofynnol i awdurdodau cynllunio nodi lle y gallai fod angen ymyriadau i ddarparu tai ar gyfer pobl hŷn pan fydd angen am hynny yn lleol, a gallai hyn gynnwys nodi safleoedd a pholisïau penodol mewn cynlluniau datblygu lleol. Mae'r ymgynghoriad ar y drafft diwygiedig o 'Polisi Cynllunio Cymru' wedi cau yn ddiweddar, ac rwy'n siŵr y bydd Ysgrifennydd y Cabinet yn rhoi diweddariad ar hynny cyn bo hir.
Roeddwn i'n ymwybodol o'r ddogfen 'Dinasoedd Byw'. Roeddwn i'n falch iawn i ymateb i'r ddadl honno ychydig o wythnosau yn ôl, ac roedd yn ddadl ragorol mewn gwirionedd, ac rwy'n credu y cafwyd cydnabyddiaeth o bob ochr o ba mor bwysig yw'r ffordd yr ydym yn mynd ati i ddylunio ein dinasoedd o ran y buddion, neu fel arall, y gall eu sicrhau i'n hiechyd. Rwy'n awyddus i weld adfywio a arweinir gan lety yn ein trefi a'n dinasoedd hefyd, oherwydd cawsom gwestiynau i'r Prif Weinidog heddiw yn canolbwyntio ar effaith y dirywiad mewn manwerthu a phatrymau newidiol gwariant defnyddwyr ar y stryd fawr, ac yn sicr mae yna gyfle, rwy'n meddwl, i sicrhau bod ein stryd fawr yn dod yn lle y mae pobl eisiau byw ynddo, oherwydd mae llawer o fanteision yno o ran bod yng nghanol y bwrlwm, a hefyd mae bod â llawer mwy o bobl yn byw yng nghanol ein trefi yn amlwg yn dda ar gyfer y busnesau manwerthu hynny sy'n parhau.
O ran addasiadau, mae pwyslais mawr yn ein cronfa newydd ar sicrhau bod addasiadau yn parhau i gael eu hariannu fel y dylen nhw. Felly, o fewn y £105 miliwn hwnnw, mae yna brif raglen gyfalaf, sef o leiaf 75 y cant o'r gwariant, a rhaglen gyfalaf ddewisol, a fyddai'n uchafswm o 25 y cant o'r gwariant. O fewn y rhaglen gyfalaf ddewisol honno, byddem yn disgwyl i fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol ystyried cymhorthion ac addasiadau nas cefnogir gan y rhaglenni presennol ac sy'n cefnogi amcanion penodol y gronfa gofal integredig, sef pobl hŷn, pobl ag anableddau dysgu, plant ag anghenion cymhleth, a gofalwyr. Gallen nhw ystyried prosiectau offer, sy'n cynorthwyo pobl i fyw'n annibynnol yn eu cartrefi eu hunain ac i leihau derbyniadau i'r ysbyty neu gyflymu'r gallu i'w rhyddhau o'r ysbyty hwnnw, neu brosiectau llai o faint eraill i gefnogi amcanion y gronfa gofal integredig. Felly, gallai'r prosiectau hynny fod dan arweiniad y gymuned neu dan arweiniad y trydydd sector, oherwydd mae yna bwyslais mawr yn y Ddeddf gwasanaethau cymdeithasol a llesiant hefyd ar sicrhau ein bod yn cefnogi'r sefydliadau a'r mentrau cydweithredol trydydd sector hynny ac ati i allu darparu gwasanaethau yn y gymuned hefyd.
Can I welcome this statement from the Minister for Housing and Regeneration? I very much welcome it, and welcome the direction of travel as well. Naturally, we would welcome £105 million capital spend as well. In terms of the background, obviously there's mention of Aneurin Bevan. There will be a lot of mention of Aneurin Bevan over the next couple of weeks, I suggest, and, yes, he was the Minister of housing as well as health, and up to 1951 housing was part of the department of health at Westminster level. Then, for some reason, it got split off, but that link between housing and health is absolutely that intimate, and we should be reinstituting that link, frankly, because bad housing equals bad health. We have homeless people on the streets of Wales today, and their life expectancy is 47 years, while the rest of us are going to live to beyond 80. So, bad housing indeed equals bad health.
In terms of the other situation in terms of people always asking me, 'How are we going to deal with this huge expansion in the number of elderly people and their care requirements and their health requirements?' And I always say, actually, we need to start with their housing. We need a huge expansion of the sheltered accommodation principle, whereby this requires a culture shift amongst our people as well, in terms of planning ahead and thinking, 'How am I going to spend my latter years?' I would suggest in some sort of sheltered accommodation. There are excellent projects dotted around Wales and the United Kingdom—yes, it's a housing solution and people have wardens there looking after them. In the same complex, Scandinavian village-type model, it can get more intensive, then, in terms of—. There's a sort of nurse equivalent—there's a nursing-home-type situation in the same complex, and there are also advanced dementia care beds, again in the same complex, so that people move in, and then if their health deteriorates, they just move to a different part of the same complex—they don't have to leave, so, hence, couples who have been married for 50 to 60 years are not split up like we do now, callously and sometimes without warning. They remain in the same complex, only in a different bit of it. Throw in a bit of a restaurant, hairdressing, bit of bingo—everybody's happy. You know, that's how we should be treating our elderly, not jamming people in residential homes, I would say, or in less-than-adequate private nursing homes, quite often—and I could provide names of less-than-adequate private nursing homes if the Minister insists. But there are some excellent examples. I would mention Cylch Caron, Tregaron—integrated housing, health and social care project. There are still technical issues to overcome, though. I mean, people have been working in their separate little silos for too long, and even when you have some wonderful, innovative thinking, 'Let's start with the housing and build the health and the social care on to it', you still have issues with regard to how that's going to run.
I'm pleased to note that you've mentioned the integrated care fund here as a flagship, and I don't want to embarrass the Llywydd over much, but it's only fair to note that this brilliant idea of the intermediate care fund, as it was then, came as a germ from the brain there of Elin Jones, Assembly Member for Ceredigion, at the time in 2013, which was part of a budget deal between Labour, Plaid, and the Liberal Democrats we had then, in 2014, I think. So, that was the germ of this excellent idea, which has been built upon today. I congratulate Elin all the time, actually, about this innovative thinking, because that's what it's about: it's about breaking out of silos and breaking out of individual portfolios and thinking, 'We have an elderly person here. How are we going to deal with this situation?' We start with, 'Where are they going to live? Can they stay where they are with all the support, or, actually, are we going to have to think a bit broader about this? And let's have these integrated projects.'
So, yes, there's a £105 million. There's a lot of mention about capital funding: capital this, capital that. Lots of projects need revenue support as well. Can I just ask the Minister: is there any revenue funding as part of any of this—not to discount the very considerable sum that you've just announced now—and in terms, obviously, of—? I mean, it is a complex field—that's sometimes why it's difficult to integrate things. There are various other pots of money and lots of other people doing excellent work elsewhere, particularly with certain vulnerable groups. The Supporting People funding, which is continuously under threat of being integrated somewhere else—and lots of people would want to see Supporting People funding safeguarded, maintained, even, developed—how would that work together with this agenda? Because, as you mentioned in your statement, it's not just about elderly people, it's also about people with complex needs as well. Diolch yn fawr.
A gaf i groesawu'r datganiad hwn gan y Gweinidog Tai ac Adfywio? Rwy'n ei groesawu'n fawr iawn, ac rwy'n croesawu'r cyfeiriad y mae'n mynd iddo hefyd. Yn naturiol, byddem yn croesawu £105 miliwn o wariant cyfalaf hefyd. O ran y cefndir, mae'n amlwg yn sôn am Aneurin Bevan. Bydd llawer o sôn am Aneurin Bevan dros yr ychydig wythnosau nesaf, rwy'n siŵr, ac, oedd, roedd yn Weinidog tai yn ogystal ag iechyd, a hyd at 1951 roedd tai yn rhan o'r adran iechyd ar lefel San Steffan. Yna, am ryw reswm, cafodd ei rannu, ond mae'r cysylltiad hwnnw rhwng tai ac iechyd yn sicr yn agos, a dylem fod yn ailsefydlu'r cysylltiad hwnnw, a dweud y gwir, gan fod tai gwael yn golygu iechyd gwael. Mae gennym ni bobl ddigartref ar strydoedd Cymru heddiw, ac mae eu disgwyliad oes yn 47 mlynedd, er bod y gweddill ohonom ni'n mynd i fyw i'r tu hwnt i 80. Felly, mae tai gwael yn wir yn golygu iechyd gwael.
O ran y sefyllfa arall o ran pobl bob amser yn gofyn imi, 'Sut ydym ni'n bwriadu ymdrin â'r cynnydd enfawr hwn yn nifer y bobl oedrannus a'u gofynion gofal a'u hanghenion iechyd?' A byddaf i bob amser yn dweud, mewn gwirionedd, mae angen inni ddechrau gyda'u tai. Mae angen cynnydd enfawr yn yr egwyddor o lety gwarchod, ac mae angen newid diwylliant ar hyn ymhlith ein pobl hefyd, o ran cynllunio ymlaen llaw a meddwl, 'Sut ydw i'n mynd i dreulio fy mlynyddoedd olaf?' Byddwn i'n awgrymu mewn rhyw fath o lety gwarchod. Mae yna brosiectau rhagorol yma ac acw o gwmpas Cymru a'r Deyrnas Unedig—ydy, mae'n ateb o ran tai ac mae gan bobl wardeiniaid yn gofalu amdanyn nhw. Yn yr un lle, model o fath o bentref Sgandinafaidd, gall fynd yn fwy dwys, wedyn, o ran—. Mae rhywun sy'n cyfateb i nyrs—mae yna sefyllfa fel math o gartref nyrsio yn yr un lle, ac mae hefyd gwelyau gofal dementia uwch, eto yn yr un lle, fel bod pobl yn symud i mewn, ac wedyn os yw eu hiechyd yn dirywio, y cyfan sy'n digwydd yw eu bod yn symud i wahanol ran o'r un lle—does dim rhaid iddyn nhw adael, felly, dydy cyplau sydd wedi bod yn briod am 50 i 60 mlynedd ddim yn cael eu gwahanu fel sy'n digwydd ar hyn o bryd, yn ddideimlad ac weithiau heb rybudd. Maen nhw'n aros yn yr un lle, ond mewn gwahanol ran ohono. Os ydych chi'n cynnwys bwyty, lle trin gwallt, ychydig o bingo—mae pawb yn hapus. Wyddoch chi, dyna sut y dylem ni fod yn trin ein henoed, nid stwffio pobl mewn cartrefi preswyl, byddwn i'n ei ddweud, neu mewn cartrefi nyrsio preifat sy'n llai na digonol, yn aml iawn—a gallwn i roi enwau cartrefi nyrsio preifat llai na digonol pe byddai'r Gweinidog yn mynnu. Ond mae yna rai enghreifftiau ardderchog. Byddwn yn crybwyll Cylch Caron, Tregaron—prosiect tai, iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol integredig. Mae yna faterion technegol i'w goresgyn o hyd, er hynny. Wyddoch chi, mae pobl wedi bod yn gweithio yn eu seilos bach ar wahân am gyfnod rhy hir, a hyd yn oed pan fydd gennych chi syniadau gwych, arloesol, 'Gadewch inni ddechrau â thai a datblygu iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol yn rhan o hynny', mae gennych chi broblemau o hyd o ran sut y caiff hynny ei redeg.
Rwy'n falch o nodi eich bod wedi sôn am y gronfa gofal integredig yma fel cynllun blaenllaw, a dydw i ddim eisiau peri embaras i'r Llywydd yn ormodol, ond mae hi ond yn deg nodi bod y syniad gwych hwn o gronfa gofal ganolraddol, fel yr oedd bryd hynny, wedi dod o egin o ymennydd Elin Jones, yr Aelod Cynulliad dros Geredigion, ar y pryd yn 2013, a oedd yn rhan o gytundeb cyllideb rhwng Llafur, Plaid Cymru, a'r Democratiaid Rhyddfrydol a oedd gennym ar y pryd, yn 2014, rwy'n credu. Felly, dyna oedd egin y syniad gwych hwn, sydd wedi'i ddatblygu heddiw. Rwy'n llongyfarch Elin drwy'r amser, mewn gwirionedd, am y syniad arloesol hwn, oherwydd dyna beth ydyw: mae'n ymwneud â thorri allan o seilos a thorri allan o'r portffolios unigol a meddwl, 'Mae gennym ni berson oedrannus yn y fan yma. Sut ydym ni'n mynd i ymdrin â'r sefyllfa hon?' Rydym ni'n dechrau gyda, 'Ble maen nhw'n mynd i fyw? A allan nhw aros lle maen nhw gyda'r holl gymorth, neu, mewn gwirionedd, a fydd yn rhaid i ni feddwl dipyn yn ehangach am hyn? A gadewch i ni fod â'r prosiectau integredig hyn.'
Felly, oes, mae yna £105 miliwn. Mae yna lawer o sôn am gyllid cyfalaf: cyfalaf hyn, cyfalaf llall. Mae angen cymorth refeniw ar lawer o brosiectau hefyd. A gaf i ofyn i'r Gweinidog: a oes unrhyw gyllid refeniw yn rhan o hyn—heb ddiystyru'r swm sylweddol iawn yr ydych chi newydd ei gyhoeddi nawr—ac o ran, yn amlwg, o—? Wyddoch chi, mae'n faes cymhleth—dyna pam y mae'n anodd integreiddio pethau weithiau. Mae yna wahanol ffynonellau eraill o arian, ac mae llawer o bobl eraill yn gwneud gwaith rhagorol mewn mannau eraill, yn enwedig â grwpiau penodol sy'n agored i niwed. Mae'r cyllid Cefnogi Pobl, sydd dan fygythiad parhaus o gael ei integreiddio yn rhywle arall—a byddai llawer o bobl am weld cyllid Cefnogi Pobl yn cael ei ddiogelu, ei gynnal, a hyd yn oed, ei ddatblygu—sut y byddai hynny'n gweithio gyda'r agenda hon? Oherwydd, fel y gwnaethoch chi sôn yn eich datganiad, nid yw'n ymwneud â'r henoed yn unig, mae hefyd yn ymwneud â phobl ag anghenion cymhleth. Diolch yn fawr.
I thank you very much for those comments, and before I address those points, I realise I had neglected to answer the point that Angela Burns raised in terms of how we're going to be monitoring and overseeing what is very significant spend. Effective monitoring and evaluation arrangements are important in order to provide us with those assurances that ICF capital funding is being fully utilised in the support of effective integrated and preventative services, and, of course, when we see the projects coming forward, it will also help us be informed about where we're going to in terms of future spend through the ICF capital investment as well. So, regional partnership boards must ensure that they have robust monitoring arrangements in place to ensure that schemes funded via the ICF capital deliver those intended outcomes on time and within budget. Evaluation arrangements must also be established to identify and evidence the impact as well as the general appropriate use of funds, and reports must be made on a quarterly basis, as detailed in the guidance that is presented to regional partnership boards. In terms of overseeing the main capital programme, well, projects should be agreed at regional partnership board level, but then submitted to the Welsh Government. We recognise that as an appropriate level of oversight there. However, there must also be robust internal processes for scrutiny and sign-off for regional partnership boards with regard to the discretionary capital programme, but that would need to be proportionate to the kind of level of projects that we're talking about there. So, discretionary projects are anything under £100,000, and main projects are anything over £100,000.
Bad housing leads to bad health. That's well recognised, I think, and that's something that came forward very strongly in Dai Lloyd's contribution. The kind of project he was describing early on in his contribution, about a project which demonstrated good practice, was very much what we consider in terms of extra care. Welsh Government has got a long history of supporting extra care since 2002. With the support of £197 million of Welsh Government funding, we've seen 49 extra-care schemes funded across Wales, providing over 2,000 homes for older people, where they can maintain their independence and avoid the need for unnecessary hospital admissions. But I think that the ICF capital funding, which we've announced today, really does take that commitment now to a new level, and certainly, I would imagine that extra-care projects might be some of those coming forward via regional partnership boards, because I think extra care has gone much further on from sheltered accommodation because there can be on-site care for people, so that means that people's health and social care needs can be responded to quickly and responsibly and can help them cope better with crises. Also, we can't forget the important role that care technology plays in supporting people to better manage their risks, and also some monitoring of people's vital signs, which assists proactive healthcare, and extended clinical supervision, and that reduces admissions and enables earlier discharge, again, from hospital. So, I think we'll certainly see some of those step-up, step-down projects coming forward from regional partnership boards, and I'm sure that would be very welcome as well.
In terms of integrated health and social care settings, this is another part of the response that Vaughan Gething has outlined in terms of the parliamentary review, and a pipeline of 19 projects was identified in December as part of £68 million of investment in a new generation of integrated health and care centres. A theme of the pipeline is integration, and health boards are looking to work with a range of delivery partners, including local authorities, housing associations and the third sector. The model of care for each of those will differ. Business cases, I understand, are currently being developed, and there is engagement with a wide range of stakeholders to identify the opportunities to promote integration. This really is the biggest targeted investment in primary and community care infrastructure by the Welsh Government, and I very much look forward to those projects moving forward.
There was a question regarding how we are funding this, because, obviously, these projects also need revenue funding. So, in this financial year, the Minister for social care has announced that there will be £50 million of revenue funding in the integrated care fund as well. And, obviously, there are opportunities to marry up this funding with regeneration funding, for example, and other funding from health. So, this potentially could have the opportunity to look elsewhere for funding for projects that meet other wider objectives as well. But there is certainly that revenue funding to support what's needed.
Diolch yn fawr iawn ichi am y sylwadau hynny, a chyn imi ymateb i'r pwyntiau hynny, rwy'n sylweddoli fy mod wedi anghofio ateb y pwynt a godwyd gan Angela Burns o ran sut yr ydym ni'n mynd i fod yn monitro a goruchwylio'r hyn sy'n wariant sylweddol. Mae trefniadau monitro a gwerthuso effeithiol yn bwysig er mwyn rhoi'r sicrwydd hynny i ni fod arian cyfalaf y gronfa gofal integredig yn cael ei ddefnyddio'n llawn i gefnogi gwasanaethau integredig ac ataliol effeithiol, ac, wrth gwrs, pan fyddwn yn gweld y prosiectau yn cael eu cyflwyno, bydd hefyd yn ein helpu ni i wybod ble yr ydym ni'n mynd o ran gwariant yn y dyfodol drwy fuddsoddi cyfalaf y gronfa gofal integredig hefyd. Felly, mae'n rhaid i fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol sicrhau bod ganddynt drefniadau monitro cadarn ar waith i sicrhau bod cynlluniau a ariennir drwy gyfalaf y gronfa gofal integredig yn cyflawni'r canlyniadau a fwriadwyd, a hynny ar amser ac o fewn y gyllideb. Mae'n rhaid sefydlu trefniadau gwerthuso hefyd i nodi a rhoi tystiolaeth o'r effaith, yn ogystal â'r defnydd priodol cyffredinol o arian, ac mae'n rhaid llunio adroddiadau chwarterol, fel y nodir yn y canllawiau a gyflwynir i fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol. O ran goruchwylio'r brif raglen gyfalaf, wel, dylid cytuno ar brosiectau ar lefel y bwrdd partneriaeth rhanbarthol, ond wedyn eu cyflwyno i Lywodraeth Cymru. Rydym yn nodi bod honno yn lefel briodol o oruchwyliaeth yn y fan honno. Fodd bynnag, mae'n rhaid bod prosesau craffu a chymeradwyo mewnol cadarn ar gyfer byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol, o ran y rhaglen gyfalaf ddewisol, ond byddai angen i hynny fod yn gymesur â lefel y prosiectau yr ydym ni'n sôn amdanyn nhw yn y fan yna. Felly, mae prosiectau dewisol yn unrhyw beth o dan £100,000, a phrif brosiectau yn unrhyw beth dros £100,000.
Mae tai gwael yn arwain at iechyd gwael. Mae hynny yn sicr wedi'i gydnabod, rwy'n meddwl, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth a nodwyd yn gryf iawn yng nghyfraniad Dai Lloyd. Y math o brosiect yr oedd yn ei ddisgrifio yn gynnar yn ei gyfraniad, prosiect sy'n dangos arfer da, yn sicr yw'r math o brosiect yr ydym ni'n ei ystyried o ran gofal ychwanegol. Mae gan Lywodraeth Cymru hanes hir o gefnogi gofal ychwanegol ers 2002. Gyda chymorth £197 miliwn o arian Llywodraeth Cymru, rydym wedi gweld 49 o gynlluniau gofal ychwanegol yn cael eu hariannu ledled Cymru, gan ddarparu dros 2,000 o gartrefi i bobl hŷn, lle y gallan nhw gynnal eu hannibyniaeth ac osgoi'r angen i gael eu derbyn i ysbyty yn ddiangen. Ond rwy'n credu bod cyllid cyfalaf y gronfa gofal integredig, yr ydym wedi'i gyhoeddi heddiw, mewn gwirionedd yn mynd â'r ymrwymiad hwnnw i lefel newydd yn awr, ac yn sicr, byddwn i'n dychmygu y gallai rhai o'r rhai hynny a gyflwynir drwy fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol fod yn brosiectau gofal ychwanegol, oherwydd rwy'n credu bod gofal ychwanegol wedi datblygu llawer o fod yn llety gwarchod, oherwydd gall fod gofal i bobl ar y safle, felly mae hynny'n golygu y gellir ymateb i anghenion iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol pobl yn gyflym ac mewn ffordd gyfrifol, a gall eu helpu i ymdopi'n well ag argyfyngau. Hefyd, allwn ni ddim anghofio swyddogaeth bwysig technoleg gofal wrth gynorthwyo pobl i reoli eu risgiau yn well, a hefyd â rhywfaint o fonitro arwyddion hanfodol pobl, sy'n helpu o ran gofal iechyd rhagweithiol, a goruchwylio clinigol estynedig, ac mae hynny'n lleihau nifer y derbyniadau i ysbytai ac yn galluogi rhyddhau pobl yn gynharach, unwaith eto, o ysbytai. Felly, rwy'n credu y byddwn ni'n sicr yn gweld rhai o'r prosiectau cam-i-fyny, cam-i-lawr hynny yn cael eu cyflwyno gan fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol, ac rwy'n siŵr y byddai croeso mawr i hynny hefyd.
O ran lleoliadau iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol integredig, mae hyn yn rhan arall o'r ymateb a amlinellodd Vaughan Gething o ran yr arolwg seneddol, a nodwyd ffrwd o 19 o brosiectau ym mis Rhagfyr yn rhan o £68 miliwn o fuddsoddiad mewn cenhedlaeth newydd o ganolfannau iechyd a gofal integredig. Thema y ffrwd yw integreiddio, ac mae byrddau iechyd yn ystyried gweithio gydag amrywiaeth o bartneriaid cyflawni, gan gynnwys awdurdodau lleol, cymdeithasau tai a'r trydydd sector. Bydd y model gofal ar gyfer pob un o'r rhai hynny yn wahanol. Deallaf fod achosion busnes wrthi'n cael eu datblygu, ac mae yna ymgysylltu ag amrywiaeth eang o randdeiliaid i nodi cyfleoedd i hybu integreiddio. Hwn mewn gwirionedd yw'r buddsoddiad mwyaf wedi'i dargedu mewn seilwaith gofal sylfaenol a gofal cymunedol gan Lywodraeth Cymru erioed, ac rwy'n edrych ymlaen yn fawr at weld y prosiectau hynny yn datblygu.
Roedd yna gwestiwn ynghylch sut yr ydym ni'n ariannu hyn, oherwydd, yn amlwg, mae angen cyllid refeniw ar y prosiectau hyn hefyd. Felly, yn y flwyddyn ariannol hon, mae'r Gweinidog gofal cymdeithasol wedi cyhoeddi y bydd £50 miliwn o arian refeniw yn y gronfa gofal integredig hefyd. Ac, yn amlwg, mae yna gyfleoedd i gyfuno'r cyllid hwn â chyllid adfywio, er enghraifft, â chyllid arall o iechyd. Felly, mae'n bosibl y gallai hyn gynnig cyfle i edrych ar fannau eraill am gyllid ar gyfer prosiectau sy'n bodloni amcanion ehangach eraill hefyd. Ond yn sicr, mae'r refeniw yno i gefnogi'r hyn sydd ei angen.
Thanks to the Minister for her statement and for the announcement of the new funding. I appreciate that, to a large extent, housing, health and social care are all interconnected and they need to be considered together, which is the basic thrust of today's statement. So, we do appreciate that sentiment, and we acknowledge the need for different departments to work together to achieve these aims that you've set out and not to work in silos. So, I think that applies both at Government level, where you have to work alongside possibly two other Ministers to achieve these aims, and also at more regional level. So, I think it's a good move to have housing needs included in the regional partnership boards as a statutory obligation.
One basic issue regarding these three integrated areas is: are we building enough bungalows in Wales? Angela Burns touched on that. She raised the issue of bungalows, but Angela raised a number of valid points and I wasn't sure that this basic fundamental question was actually answered by you. You answered a lot of points, but I'm interested in what you think about this simple issue of the number of bungalows that are being built.
There are a variety of home adaptations that can be carried out to make homes more habitable for residents who have developed physical or mental issues, or who have simply got older. Of course, there is a question of priority. You mentioned different groups, but you didn't mention veterans, so are they part of the integrated care fund programme, or are they coming under another scheme? I would like some enlightenment on that issue. But obviously, there is going to be this problem of priority. There are lots of different groups. You did state that there are certain percentages of funding that will be allocated in different ways. I suppose one basic issue is: will there be a coherent system of priorities that is easily understandable to the applicants who are applying for grants for things like home adaptations?
New technology can sometimes be used to benefit the lives of fairly housebound people. For instance, a lot of day centres have closed in recent years. People living in rural areas may not be living close to a day centre in any event, so loneliness and isolation have become a major problem. Can we investigate home adaptations that encompass older people accessing facilities like Skype or something similar, or even in training those who are interested in accessing the internet? Could that form a cost-effective part of home adaptation? Obviously, we need to have broadband in those areas first.
I was intrigued by Dai Lloyd's vision, which I think is a good one—this idea that older people can sometimes live in semi-communal forms of living that will often be more beneficial for many of them. There's also something called reminiscence therapy, which can benefit people who are experiencing difficulties with their memories. This can be incorporated into the kind of village complex that Dai was referring to at one point. So, I wonder if this can be incorporated in some way into the Government's programme. Thank you.
Diolch i'r Gweinidog am ei datganiad ac am gyhoeddi cyllid newydd. Rwy'n sylweddoli bod tai, iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol, i raddau helaeth, i gyd yn gydgysylltiedig a bod angen eu hystyried gyda'i gilydd, sef prif fyrdwn y datganiad heddiw. Felly, rydym yn gwerthfawrogi'r farn honno, ac rydym yn cydnabod yr angen i wahanol adrannau weithio gyda'i gilydd i gyflawni'r nodau hyn yr ydych chi wedi'u nodi, yn hytrach na gweithio mewn seilos. Rwy'n credu felly, fod hynny'n wir ar lefel Llywodraeth, pan fo'n rhaid i chi weithio ochr yn ochr â dau Weinidog arall, o bosibl, er mwyn cyflawni'r nodau hyn, a hefyd ar lefel fwy rhanbarthol. Felly, rwy'n credu ei bod yn syniad da i gynnwys anghenion tai yn y byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol fel rhwymedigaeth statudol.
Un mater sylfaenol ynghylch y tri maes integredig hyn yw: a ydym ni'n adeiladu digon o fyngalos yng Nghymru? Gwnaeth Angela Burns grybwyll hyn. Cododd y mater o fyngalos, ond cododd Angela nifer o bwyntiau dilys a doeddwn i ddim yn siŵr mewn gwirionedd eich bod chi wedi ateb y cwestiwn sylfaenol hanfodol hwn. Gwnaethoch chi ateb llawer o bwyntiau, ond mae gen i ddiddordeb yn eich barn chi ar y mater syml o nifer y byngalos sy'n cael eu hadeiladu.
Mae yna amrywiaeth o addasiadau i'r cartref y gellir eu darparu i wneud cartrefi'n fwy addas i fyw ynddyn nhw i bobl sydd wedi datblygu problemau corfforol neu feddyliol, neu bobl sydd wedi heneiddio. Wrth gwrs, mae yna gwestiwn o flaenoriaeth. Fe wnaethoch chi gyfeirio at wahanol grwpiau, ond wnaethoch chi ddim sôn am gyn-filwyr, felly a ydyn nhw'n rhan o raglen y gronfa gofal integredig, neu a ydyn nhw'n dod o dan gynllun arall? Hoffwn i beth eglurhad ar y mater hwnnw. Ond, yn amlwg, fe geir y broblem hon o flaenoriaeth. Mae yna lawer o wahanol grwpiau. Fe wnaethoch chi ddweud bod canrannau penodol o gyllid a fydd yn cael eu dyrannu mewn gwahanol ffyrdd. Mae'n debyg mai un mater sylfaenol yw: a fydd yna system gydlynol o flaenoriaethau sy'n hawdd ei deall i'r ymgeiswyr sy'n gwneud cais am grantiau ar gyfer pethau fel addasiadau yn y cartref?
Gellir defnyddio technoleg newydd weithiau er budd bywydau pobl sy'n weddol gaeth i'r cartref. Er enghraifft, mae llawer o ganolfannau dydd wedi cau yn ystod y blynyddoedd diwethaf. Efallai nad yw pobl sy'n byw mewn ardaloedd gwledig yn byw yn agos at ganolfan dydd beth bynnag, felly mae unigrwydd ac arwahanrwydd yn broblem fawr erbyn hyn. A gawn ni ymchwilio i addasiadau mewn cartrefi sy'n caniatáu i bobl hŷn gael mynediad at gyfleusterau fel Skype neu rywbeth tebyg, neu hyd yn oed hyfforddiant i'r rhai hynny sydd â diddordeb mewn cael mynediad at y rhyngrwyd? A allai hynny fod yn rhan gost-effeithiol o addasu cartrefi? Yn amlwg, mae angen inni gael band eang yn yr ardaloedd hynny yn gyntaf.
Roedd yn ddiddorol clywed gweledigaeth Dai Lloyd, ac mae'n un da yn fy marn i—y syniad hwn y gall pobl hŷn weithiau fyw mewn ffurfiau lled-gymunedol o fyw a fydd yn aml yn fwy buddiol i lawer ohonynt. Mae yna rywbeth hefyd o'r enw therapi hel atgofion, a all fod o fudd i bobl sy'n cael anawsterau o ran eu hatgofion. Gellir ymgorffori hyn yn y math o bentref yr oedd Dai yn cyfeirio ato yn un o'i bwyntiau. Felly, tybed a ellir ymgorffori hyn mewn rhyw ffordd yn rhaglen y Llywodraeth. Diolch.
Thank you very much for those questions. I'm glad that you began by acknowledging that it's important that we don't work in silos in this regard. I think it's important that the Welsh Government shows leadership in terms of being able to work across traditional boundaries, especially when we are asking local authorities and health boards to do difficult things, including pooling budgets through the social services and well-being Act, and that's one of the key roles of the regional partnership boards, because making effective use of resources is a key priority for those boards. Those pooled funds and improved integrated commissioning will result in greater resilience in the provision of services, with a focus on improved quality and not just better value for money.
We have been assured that all regional partnership boards are now delivering a form of pooled funds in relation to care homes for older people. We want to ensure that there are fully formed pooled funds in place that deliver effective joint commissioning by April of next year. And the Minister has made it clear that we will consider intervening directly if that's not the case. So, yes, it's important that the Welsh Government shows leadership and I think we've done that through 'Prosperity for All', which recognises housing and social care as two of our five cross-Government priorities, and we recognise that there are roles for all of us across Government to be working together on these agendas; it's certainly not one person's responsibility to be delivering.
Are we building enough bungalows? No, definitely not. I was really pleased yesterday to visit the new development in Maesteg with my colleague Huw Irranca-Davies. They are building new bungalows there and that's really exciting, because, actually, we don't have enough bungalows being built. I was talking to developers as to why, and they're often seen as being quite inefficient in terms of building them, because they are, per square metre, more expensive to build than other houses. But, equally, bungalows really do meet the needs of older people who need to be living on one floor, for example, and who need a fairly small property to be looking after. So, I would like, certainly, to see more bungalows being built, and the ones that were being built yesterday were being built through a housing association, with the specific aim of supporting people to live in those accommodations, as part of their social housing offer within the local area. So, I think that it's important that that's considered by registered social landlords, for example, as they're thinking of their forward work programme, and also by local authorities as they're considering their local housing needs analysis, for example.
In terms of priorities and how regional partnership boards will know where to be focusing their efforts, alongside a letter to regional partnership boards today as a result of this statement, we're also issuing programme guidance for this fund. So, there should be no doubt in terms of the minds of regional partnership boards as to where we would want to see that funding deployed.
I completely agree that the use of new technologies provides us with real opportunities to support people to live at home for longer, and to monitor people's care needs, and monitor people's health, and so on. That was reflected in some of the answer that I gave to Dai Lloyd.
Again, I think building the right homes is also about building communities, and that very much speaks to that point that you made about tackling loneliness and isolation, which we know is becoming a growing concern for many older people, but not exclusively older people, across Wales. So, building homes that are also communities, such as the one we saw yesterday, I think is a wonderful way of being able to tackle that as well.
In terms of the groups that this funding is intended to support, those groups are set out through the social services and well-being Act, and they are: older people with complex needs and long-term conditions, including dementia; people with learning disabilities; children with complex needs due to being disabled or illness; and carers and young carers. So, those groups are specifically set out through legislation.
We do have a very strong link between the dementia action plan and the regional partnership boards' work. The plan focuses on what service users with dementia and their family members have told us was particularly important to them, for example, timely diagnosis, and then the provision of person-centred care following that diagnosis. The implementation of that plan is being supported by £10 million of Government investment, £9 million of which has been allocated to the regional partnership boards through the integrated care fund mechanism, so aiming to drive forward and enable integrated working between social services, health, housing, the third sector and independent sectors to support people with dementia and their carers. To support this, we have issued addendum ICF guidance that was produced specifically with the dementia action plan in mind.
Diolch yn fawr iawn ichi am y cwestiynau hynny. Rwy'n falch eich bod wedi dechrau trwy gydnabod ei bod yn bwysig nad ydym yn gweithio mewn seilos yn hyn o beth. Rwy'n credu ei bod yn bwysig bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn dangos arweiniad o ran gallu gweithio ar draws ffiniau traddodiadol, yn enwedig pan fyddwn yn gofyn i awdurdodau lleol a byrddau iechyd i wneud pethau anodd, gan gynnwys cyfuno cyllidebau trwy'r Ddeddf gwasanaethau cymdeithasol a llesiant, a dyna un o swyddogaethau allweddol y byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol, oherwydd bod defnyddio adnoddau yn effeithiol yn flaenoriaeth allweddol i'r byrddau hynny. Bydd y cronfeydd cyfunol hynny a gwell comisiynu integredig yn arwain at fwy o gadernid yn y gwasanaethau a ddarperir, â phwyslais ar wella ansawdd ac nid yn unig ar wella gwerth am arian.
Rydym ni wedi cael sicrwydd bod yr holl fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol yn darparu rhyw fath o gronfa gyfunol o ran cartrefi gofal i bobl hŷn. Rydym yn awyddus i sicrhau bod cronfeydd cyfunol cyflawn ar waith, sy'n darparu prosesau comisiynu effeithiol ar y cyd erbyn mis Ebrill y flwyddyn nesaf. Ac mae'r Gweinidog wedi'i gwneud yn glir y byddwn yn ystyried ymyrryd yn uniongyrchol os nad yw hynny'n wir. Felly, ydy, mae'n bwysig bod Llywodraeth Cymru yn dangos arweinyddiaeth ac rwy'n credu ein bod wedi gwneud hynny trwy 'Ffyniant i bawb', sy'n cydnabod bod tai a gofal cymdeithasol yn ddwy o'n pum blaenoriaeth draws-Lywodraeth, ac rydym yn cydnabod bod cyfrifoldeb arnom ni i gyd ar draws y Llywodraeth i weithio gyda'n gilydd ar agendâu hyn; yn sicr nid cyfrifoldeb un person i'w gyflawni yw hyn.
A ydym ni'n adeiladu digon o fyngalos? Nac ydym, yn bendant dydym ni ddim. Roeddwn i'n falch iawn ddoe yn ymweld â datblygiad newydd ym Maesteg gyda fy nghyd-Aelod, Huw Irranca-Davies. Maen nhw'n adeiladu byngalos newydd yno, ac mae hynny'n hynod o gyffrous, oherwydd, mewn gwirionedd, nid oes digon o fyngalos yn cael eu hadeiladu. Roeddwn i'n siarad â datblygwyr ynghylch pam, a'u bod yn cael eu hystyried yn aml yn eithaf aneffeithlon o ran eu hadeiladu, oherwydd eu bod, fesul metr sgwâr, yn ddrytach i'w hadeiladu na thai eraill. Ond, yn yr un modd, mae byngalos mewn gwirionedd yn diwallu anghenion pobl hŷn sydd angen bod yn byw ar un llawr, er enghraifft, ac sydd angen eiddo eithaf bach i ofalu amdano. Felly, hoffwn i, yn sicr, weld mwy o fyngalos yn cael eu hadeiladu, ac roedd y rhai a oedd yn cael eu hadeiladu ddoe yn cael eu hadeiladu trwy gymdeithas dai, â'r nod penodol o gefnogi pobl i fyw yn y llety hynny, yn rhan o'u cynnig tai cymdeithasol yn yr ardal leol. Felly, rwy'n credu ei bod yn bwysig bod landlordiaid cymdeithasol cofrestredig yn ystyried hynny, er enghraifft, wrth iddyn nhw ystyried eu blaenraglen waith, a hefyd gan awdurdodau lleol wrth iddyn nhw ystyried eu dadansoddiad o anghenion tai lleol, er enghraifft.
O ran blaenoriaethau a sut y bydd byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol yn gwybod beth i ganolbwyntio eu hymdrechion arno, ynghyd â llythyr i fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol heddiw o ganlyniad i'r datganiad hwn, rydym ni hefyd yn cyhoeddi canllawiau ar y rhaglen ar gyfer y gronfa hon. Felly, ni ddylai fod unrhyw amheuaeth ym meddyliau byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol ynghylch ble yr hoffem ni i'r arian hwnnw gael ei ddefnyddio.
Cytunaf yn llwyr fod y defnydd o dechnolegau newydd yn rhoi cyfleoedd gwirioneddol i gefnogi pobl i fyw yn eu cartrefi yn hirach, ac i fonitro anghenion gofal pobl, a monitro iechyd pobl, ac ati. Adlewyrchwyd hynny mewn rhywfaint o'r ateb a roddais i Dai Lloyd.
Unwaith eto, rwy'n credu bod adeiladu'r cartrefi iawn hefyd yn ymwneud ag adeiladu cymunedau, ac mae hynny'n ymwneud yn fawr iawn â'r pwynt y gwnaethoch chi am fynd i'r afael ag unigrwydd ac arwahanrwydd, a gwyddom fod hyn yn dod yn destun pryder cynyddol i lawer o bobl hŷn, ond nid pobl hŷn yn unig, ledled Cymru. Felly, mae adeiladu cartrefi sydd hefyd yn gymunedau, fel yr un y gwelais i ddoe, yn ffordd wych yn fy marn i o allu mynd i'r afael â hynny hefyd.
O ran y grwpiau y mae'r cyllid hwn yn bwriadu eu cefnogi, nodir y grwpiau hynny trwy'r Ddeddf gwasanaethau cymdeithasol a llesiant, sef: pobl hŷn ag anghenion cymhleth a chyflyrau hirdymor, gan gynnwys dementia; pobl ag anableddau dysgu; plant ag anghenion cymhleth oherwydd anabledd neu salwch; a gofalwyr a gofalwyr ifanc. Felly, mae'r grwpiau hynny wedi'u nodi'n benodol trwy ddeddfwriaeth.
Mae gennym ni gysylltiad cryf iawn rhwng y cynllun gweithredu ar ddementia a gwaith y byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol. Mae'r cynllun yn canolbwyntio ar beth y mae defnyddwyr gwasanaeth â dementia ac aelodau o'u teulu wedi'i ddweud wrthym ni sy'n arbennig o bwysig iddyn nhw, er enghraifft, diagnosis amserol, ac wedyn darparu gofal sy'n canolbwyntio ar yr unigolyn yn dilyn y diagnosis hwnnw. Cefnogir gweithrediad y cynllun hwnnw gan £10 miliwn o fuddsoddiad y Llywodraeth, ac mae £9 miliwn o hwn wedi'i ddyrannu i'r byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol trwy'r gronfa gofal integredig, felly'r nod yw dwyn ymlaen a galluogi gwaith integredig rhwng gwasanaethau cymdeithasol, iechyd, tai, y trydydd sector a'r sectorau annibynnol i gefnogi pobl â dementia a'u gofalwyr. I gefnogi hyn, rydym ni wedi cyhoeddi canllawiau ar y gronfa gofal integredig atodiad a luniwyd yn benodol â golwg ar y cynllun gweithredu ar ddementia.
It's a pleasure to see the Government embracing the parliamentary review, and working towards how we're going to deliver person-centred care, because if we can't deliver the type of housing that people are going to need as their needs change, then it's going to be extremely difficult to do that.
I think one of the core principles has got to be that everybody needs to be part of a community, because I don't want to see bungalows a quarter of a mile away from any services; that's not going to work. And equally, it's really important that people with dementia who may not be able to stay unsupervised on their own at home should still be part of the community. There was a lovely television programme in the last couple of days about some children visiting people with dementia, and the very, very positive impact that it had on the older people as well as the warmth that the children received from these older people, who were giving them lots of attention. So, that's a really good example of how people with dementia need to still be part of the community, whether it's restaurants where people with dementia are making the food and other people are coming in to eat it—the paying public. That's another way in which we can keep people in contact with the whole community.
But I think one of the problems we have at the moment is that we have such a lack of choice in housing because of the acute housing crisis, so that when people's needs change it becomes really difficult to enable them to stay part of the community that they know, because we simply haven't got anything available. I've got a constituent who is, so to speak, over-occupying because of the bedroom tax. She's got an adult son with some autistic spectrum difficulties. It's very difficult for her to be in a flat because of that, but there are simply no two-bedroomed homes in the community she is a major part of as a really good community leader. Sadly, it looks like she's going to have to leave that community, which is completely tragic, in that we haven't got a range of housing types. Hefin David raised the issue of the mass house builders who all want to build the same old rabbit hutches. We don't yet have the flexibility we need in the type of housing that people are going to need and where people feel a sense of some control over it.
I was reading a fantastic article earlier this month about a project in Eindhoven called Project Milestone, where the Eindhoven university of technology have been fully involved in 3D-printed housing. They envisage that, within the next five years, people are going to be able to design their own homes on a computer to suit their particular needs, depending on how many children they've got, et cetera. But because they're using a specially formulated cement that's squirted onto the structure, a bit like whipped cream, it's miles cheaper than bricks and mortar and incorporates smart lighting, heating and security. I can see how it can be made to work.
So, I just wondered if you're thinking in your regional partnership boards about how you're going to contract with small and medium-sized local builders who are going to deliver the types of homes that people in that community are going to need. They'll be different in every community. I can't see a role for bungalows in the inner-city parts of my constituency, because the land just isn't there, but I can see a demand for people to continue to stay in the street they've lived in for 60 years, so that they're near to their children and will be able to maintain those links that are vital to keep people out of hospital.
Mae'n bleser gen i weld y Llywodraeth yn cefnogi'r arolwg seneddol, ac yn gweithio tuag at sut yr ydym am ddarparu gofal sy'n canolbwyntio ar yr unigolyn, oherwydd os na allwn ni gyflawni'r math o dai y bydd eu hangen ar bobl wrth i'w hanghenion newid, yna bydd yn hynod anodd gwneud hynny.
Rwy'n credu bod yn rhaid i'r angen i bawb fod yn rhan o gymuned fod yn un o'r egwyddorion craidd, oherwydd nid wyf i'n dymuno gweld byngalos chwarter milltir i ffwrdd o unrhyw wasanaethau; ni fydd hynny'n gweithio. Ac yn yr un modd, mae'n hynod bwysig bod pobl â dementia nad ydynt efallai'n gallu aros ar eu pen eu hunain yn y cartref heb oruchwyliaeth yn parhau i fod yn rhan o'r gymuned. Roedd rhaglen deledu hyfryd yn ystod y dyddiau diwethaf am blant yn ymweld â phobl â dementia, a'r effaith gadarnhaol iawn y cafodd hyn ar y bobl hŷn yn ogystal â'r cynhesrwydd a gafodd y plant gan y bobl hŷn hyn, a oedd yn rhoi llawer o sylw iddyn nhw. Felly, mae hynny'n enghraifft dda iawn o sut y mae angen i bobl â dementia barhau i fod yn rhan o'r gymuned, boed yn fwytai lle mae pobl â dementia yn gwneud y bwyd ac mae pobl eraill yn dod i'w fwyta—y cyhoedd yn talu. Dyna ffordd arall y gallwn ni gadw cysylltiad pobl â'r gymuned gyfan.
Ond rwy'n credu mai un o'r problemau sydd gennym ni ar hyn o bryd yw bod gennym ni gymaint o ddiffyg dewis o ran tai oherwydd yr argyfwng tai acíwt, mae'n anodd iawn eu galluogi i barhau i fod yn rhan o'r gymuned y maen nhw'n ei hadnabod, wrth i'w hanghenion newid, oherwydd nid oes dim byd ar gael iddyn nhw. Mae gen i etholwraig sydd, fel petai, yn gor-feddiannu oherwydd y dreth ystafell wely. Mae ganddi fab sy'n oedolion ag anawsterau'r sbectrwm awtistig. Mae'n anodd iawn iddi fod mewn fflat oherwydd hynny, ond nid oes unrhyw gartrefi dwy ystafell wely yn y gymuned y mae hi'n rhan fawr ohoni fel arweinydd cymunedol da iawn. Yn anffodus, mae'n edrych fel y bydd yn rhaid iddi adael y gymuned honno, sy'n gwbl drychinebus, gan nad oes gennym ni amrywiaeth o fathau o dai. Cododd Hefin David y mater o adeiladwyr tai torfol sydd i gyd yn awyddus i adeiladu'r un hen gytiau cwningod. Nid oes gennym ni'r hyblygrwydd sydd ei angen arnom ar hyn o bryd o ran y math o dai y bydd pobl eu hangen, ac y mae pobl yn teimlo rhywfaint o reolaeth drostynt.
Roeddwn i'n darllen erthygl wych yn gynharach y mis hwn am brosiect yn Eindhoven o'r enw Project Milestone, lle mae prifysgol dechnoleg Eindhoven wedi cymryd rhan lawn mewn argraffu tai 3D. Maen nhw'n rhagweld, o fewn y pum mlynedd nesaf, y bydd pobl yn gallu cynllunio eu cartrefi eu hunain ar gyfrifiadur sy'n addas ar gyfer eu hanghenion penodol, yn dibynnu ar faint o blant sydd ganddyn nhw, ac ati. Ond oherwydd eu bod yn defnyddio sment a baratoir yn arbennig a gaiff ei chwistrellu ar y strwythur, ychydig fel hufen wedi'i chwipio, mae cymaint yn rhatach na brics a morter ac mae'n cynnwys goleuo, gwresogi a diogelwch clyfar. Gallaf weld sut y gallai hynny fod yn llwyddiannus.
Felly, tybed a ydych yn meddwl yn eich byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol am sut y byddwch yn contractio gydag adeiladwyr lleol bach a chanolig a fydd yn darparu'r mathau o gartrefi y bydd eu hangen ar bobl yn y gymuned. Byddan nhw'n wahanol ym mhob cymuned. Ni allaf weld swyddogaeth ar gyfer byngalos yn ardaloedd canol y ddinas yn fy etholaeth i, oherwydd nid yw'r tir ar gael yno, ond gallaf weld galw am bobl yn parhau i fyw ar y stryd lle maen nhw wedi byw ers 60 mlynedd, fel eu bod yn agos at eu plant ac yn gallu cadw'r cysylltiadau hynny sy'n hanfodol i gadw pobl allan o'r ysbyty.
Thank you very much for those questions. I'll begin at the end of your contribution when you were talking about innovative housing. I think that we are really on the cusp of a revolution in terms of the way that we build housing. There are so many exciting new ways of building homes. Some of those are being supported through our £90 million innovative housing programme. The current window is open for another week or so—another couple of weeks—so I'll certainly be encouraging businesses of all sizes to consider making applications to that. I think it's particularly well suited to SMEs because SMEs have a long history of embracing risk long before the volume house builders have done. I met with the Federation of Small Businesses earlier today and I was impressing upon them the need to be promoting amongst their members the opportunities under the innovative housing programme for SMEs, because they are real opportunities, I think.
They also have access to our property development fund, which is a £30 million fund, and that will enable small and medium-sized enterprises, again, to have relatively easy access to funding in order to support some of their building projects. Again, we recently announced the stalled sites fund, which is a £40 million fund and that's to open up sites that are there and ready to go in terms of planning, but for whatever reason haven't been able to be built on—for example, remediation needs to be undertaken in order to make the land suitable for building. So, those small elements that prevent the project from being viable right now, but with this kind of support might make them viable in future. It can also be used in terms of assisting small and medium-sized enterprises with their cash flow as well.
So, I think the innovative housing programme, although we're supporting many different types of housing at the moment, it is all with the purpose of informing us where we need to go in future in terms of building houses at a much greater scale and pace. So, potentially, we could be getting to the point where we start thinking, 'Well, these are the three or four kinds of ways of building homes that really work for us here in Wales and these are the ones that we want to invest in in the future, these are the ones where we can keep the skills here in Wales, where we can build here in Wales.' We've just had the statement on woodlands, so we can be using as much Welsh timber as possible. I think that this is a very exciting agenda in terms of housing, particularly innovative housing. I would imagine that where projects do come forward under the ICF they would be certainly looking at one and two-bedroomed properties because, as Jenny says, these are the kinds of properties that are in short supply and are better suited, particularly, to older people.
You referred to the lack of choice in housing when people's needs change. Again, this is something that's exciting about the extra-care programmes, which will be supported and which have already been supported, in terms of them being able to adapt to people's needs as their needs change. Again, Jenny referred to new technologies and the exciting opportunities they can present there. I visited Llanelli recently to look at their support for social care, and they were showing me some of the technologies that they deploy. One was a watch that supports people with dementia. So, it's got GPS on it, and the individual can agree, with their families, with their carers, the boundaries where it's safe for them to go—so, areas that they know very well—and if and when the person leaves those boundaries, then the family is informed, and it's a great way of giving families peace of mind but also giving people the independence that they deserve as well.
The children visiting people through, for example, Dementia Friends projects, I think, is wonderful as well, and I know that it's not just the older people or the people with dementia who get a lot from that as well. I think that the children certainly get a lot from that, and that's something I would be looking to promote as well. I also just recognise the comments that you've made about the importance of the parliamentary review and the real focus that it does put on personalised and person-centred care.
Diolch yn fawr iawn ichi am y cwestiynau hynny. Byddaf i'n dechrau ar ddiwedd eich cyfraniad pan oeddech yn sôn am dai arloesol. Rwy'n credu ein bod ni mewn gwirionedd ar fin chwyldro o ran y ffordd rydym yn adeiladu tai. Mae yna gymaint o ffyrdd newydd cyffrous o adeiladu cartrefi. Mae rhai ohonyn nhw'n cael eu cefnogi trwy ein rhaglen tai arloesol gwerth £90 miliwn. Y ffenestr bresennol ar agor am wythnos arall neu fwy—wythnos neu ddwy arall—felly byddaf yn sicr yn annog busnesau o bob maint i ystyried gwneud ceisiadau i hynny. Rwy'n credu ei bod yn arbennig o addas i fusnesau bach a chanolig oherwydd bod ganddyn nhw hanes hir o groesawu risg ymhell cyn i'r adeiladwyr tai mawr wneud. Fe wnes i gyfarfod â Ffederasiwn y Busnesau Bach yn gynharach heddiw ac roeddwn i'n pwysleisio yr angen iddyn nhw hyrwyddo ymhlith eu haelodau y cyfleoedd sydd ar gael i fusnesau bach a chanolig o dan y rhaglen tai arloesol, oherwydd eu bod yn gyfleoedd gwirioneddol, yn fy marn i.
Gallan nhw hefyd gael mynediad at ein cronfa datblygu eiddo, sy'n gronfa gwerth £30 miliwn, a bydd hon yn galluogi mentrau bach a chanolig, unwaith eto, i gael mynediad cymharol rwydd at gyllid er mwyn cefnogi rhai o'u prosiectau adeiladu. Unwaith eto, fe wnaethom ni gyhoeddi yn ddiweddar y gronfa safleoedd segur, sy'n gronfa gwerth £40 miliwn, a'i bwriad yw agor safleoedd sy'n barod i ddechrau o ran cynllunio, ond am ba bynnag reswm heb eu datblygu—er enghraifft, mae angen gwneud gwaith adfer er mwyn gwneud y tir yn addas ar gyfer adeiladu. Felly, yr elfennau bach hynny sy'n atal y prosiect rhag bod yn hyfyw ar hyn o bryd, ond gyda'r math hwn o gymorth gellid eu gwneud yn hyfyw yn y dyfodol. Gellir ei ddefnyddio hefyd i gynorthwyo mentrau bach a chanolig â'u llif arian parod.
Felly, rwy'n credu bod y rhaglen tai arloesol, er ein bod ni'n cefnogi nifer o wahanol fathau o dai ar hyn o bryd, mae'r cyfan â'r bwriad o roi gwybod i ni lle y mae angen inni fynd yn y dyfodol o ran adeiladu tai ar raddfa a chyflymder mwy o lawer. Felly, o bosibl, gallem ni gyrraedd y pwynt pan fyddwn yn dechrau meddwl, 'Wel, dyma'r tri neu bedwar math o ffordd o adeiladu cartrefi sy'n gweithio'n dda i ni yma yng Nghymru a dyma'r rhai yr ydym ni'n dymuno buddsoddi ynddyn nhw yn y dyfodol, dyma'r rhai lle y gallwn ni gadw sgiliau yma yng Nghymru, lle gallwn ni adeiladu yma yng Nghymru.' Rydym ni newydd gael y datganiad ar goetiroedd, felly gallwn ni fod yn defnyddio pren o Gymru cymaint â phosibl. Rwy'n credu bod hon yn agenda gyffrous iawn o ran tai, yn arbennig o ran tai arloesol. Byddwn i'n dychmygu pan gaiff prosiectau eu dwyn ymlaen o dan y gronfa gofal integredig, bydden nhw'n sicr yn ystyried eiddo un neu ddwy ystafell wely oherwydd, fel y dywed Jenny, dyma'r math o eiddo sy'n brin ac yn fwy addas, yn arbennig, i bobl hŷn.
Fe wnaethoch chi gyfeirio at y diffyg dewis o ran tai pan fydd anghenion pobl yn newid. Unwaith eto, mae hyn yn rhywbeth sy'n gyffrous ynghylch y rhaglenni gofal ychwanegol, a fydd yn cael cymorth ac sydd eisoes wedi cael cymorth, o ran eu gallu i addasu i anghenion pobl wrth i'w hanghenion newid. Unwaith eto, cyfeiriodd Jenny at dechnolegau newydd a'r cyfleoedd cyffrous y gellir eu cyflwyno yno. Es i i Lanelli yn ddiweddar i edrych ar eu cymorth ar gyfer gofal cymdeithasol, ac roedden nhw'n dangos imi rai o'r technolegau y maen nhw'n eu defnyddio. Un oedd oriawr sy'n cefnogi pobl â dementia. Felly, mae ganddo GPS, a gall yr unigolyn ddod i gytundeb â'u teuluoedd, gyda'u gofalwyr, o ran y ffiniau lle y mae'n ddiogel iddyn nhw fynd—felly, ardaloedd y maen nhw'n eu hadnabod yn dda iawn—ac os a phryd y bydd y person yn gadael y ffiniau hynny, rhoddir gwybod i'r teulu, ac mae'n ffordd wych o roi tawelwch meddwl i deuluoedd, ond hefyd rhoi i bobl yr annibyniaeth maen nhw'n ei haeddu.
Mae cael plant yn ymweld â phobl â dementia, er enghraifft, trwy brosiectau Cyfeillion Dementia, yn fy marn i, yn wych hefyd, a gwn nad y bobl hŷn neu'r bobl â dementia yn unig sy'n cael budd o hynny hefyd. Rwy'n credu bod plant yn sicr yn cael llawer o fudd o hynny, ac mae hynny'n rhywbeth y byddwn i'n ceisio'i hyrwyddo hefyd. Rwyf i hefyd yn cydnabod y sylwadau y gwnaethoch chi ynglŷn â phwysigrwydd yr arolwg seneddol a'r pwyslais gwirioneddol y mae'n ei roi'r ar ofal personol a gofal sy'n canolbwyntio ar yr unigolyn.
We're over time already with this statement. I have three other Members wishing to speak. Oh, I have an excellent Member at the back there, indicating that she no longer wishes to speak. I've got two other Members wishing to speak. I'll call you, but I want succinct questions and succinct answers. Jane Hutt.
Rydym ni dros ein hamser eisoes gyda'r datganiad hwn. Mae gen i dri Aelod arall sy'n dymuno siarad. O, mae gen i Aelod ardderchog yn y cefn, sy'n dangos nad yw hi'n dymuno siarad mwyach. Mae gen i ddau Aelod arall sy'n dymuno siarad. Byddaf i yn eich galw, ond rwyf i eisiau cwestiynau cryno ac atebion cryno. Jane Hutt.
Yes, thank you, Minister, for your statement, and can I say how pleased I am to hear about the news of this substantial investment in housing as part of the package to join up health, social care and housing? Last week, I spoke at the policy forum on older people's care, and I think Rhun was also there, chairing a session. We did draw attention to the unique opportunities we've got to drive forward policy in this area. Now, Dr Dai Lloyd has already talked about the origins of the intermediate care fund, as it was, back in 2014-15, and I would just like to have a brief moment to remember the time we spent, one hot summer, in closed rooms, with myself as finance Minister, Elin Jones as the Plaid Cymru shadow Minister, and I think it might have been Peter Black, because certainly we said, 'It should be health, social care and housing.' And I'd say that was £50 million to deliver a Welsh Government budget in 2014-15. It's now firmly embedded in policy delivery in Wales. But I think, and it's what came out of the policy forum last week, that actually housing hasn't actually been integrated—housing and social care. It's been more health and social care.
So, my two questions are, firstly: social housing partners at the forum last week had very different experiences of whether they were involved or not in the regional partnership boards. Can you confirm that they will be involved, and how that will happen, how that will progress in terms of taking forward decisions on the integrated care fund? And also, another point that was made very strongly: can we ensure that the housing element of the intermediate care fund doesn't run from one good, but time-limited, funding announcement, but is sustained for the longer term planning?
Ie, diolch, Gweinidog, am eich datganiad, ac a gaf i ddweud mor falch yr wyf i o glywed y newyddion am y buddsoddiad sylweddol hwn mewn tai yn rhan o'r pecyn i gydgysylltu iechyd, gofal cymdeithasol a thai? Yr wythnos diwethaf, siaradais yn y fforwm polisi ar ofal pobl hŷn, ac rwy'n credu bod Rhun yno hefyd, yn cadeirio sesiwn. Fe wnaethom ni dynnu sylw at y cyfleoedd unigryw sydd gennym ni i ysgogi polisi yn y maes hwn. Nawr, mae Dr Dai Lloyd eisoes wedi sôn am darddiad y gronfa gofal canolraddol, fel yr oedd, yn ôl yn 2014-15, a hoffwn i dreulio ychydig o amser yn cofio'r amser y gwnaethom ni ei dreulio, un haf crasboeth, mewn ystafelloedd caeedig, gyda fi yn Weinidog Cyllid, Elin Jones yn Weinidog yr wrthblaid Plaid Cymru, ac rwy'n meddwl efallai mai Peter Black oedd yno hefyd, oherwydd yn sicr fe wnaethom ni ddweud, 'Dylai fod yn iechyd, gofal cymdeithasol a thai.' A dywedwn i mai £50 miliwn oedd hynny i ddarparu cyllideb Llywodraeth Cymru yn 2014-15. Y mae wedi'i wreiddio'n ddwfn erbyn hyn yng nghyflawniad polisïau yng Nghymru. Ond rwy'n credu, a dyna gafodd ei amlygu yn y fforwm polisi yr wythnos diwethaf, nad yw'r sector tai, mewn gwirionedd, wedi'i integreiddio mewn gwirionedd—tai a gofal cymdeithasol. Mae wedi bod yn fwy o iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol.
Felly, fy nau gwestiwn yw hyn, yn gyntaf: nododd partneriaid tai cymdeithasol yn y fforwm yr wythnos diwethaf brofiadau gwahanol iawn o ran pa un a oeddent yn cymryd rhan yn y byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol neu beidio. A wnewch chi gadarnhau y byddan nhw'n rhan ohonynt, a sut y bydd hynny'n digwydd, sut y bydd hynny'n symud ymlaen o ran gwneud penderfyniadau ar y gronfa gofal integredig? A hefyd, pwynt arall a gafodd ei wneud yn gryf iawn: a allwn ni sicrhau nad yw'r elfen dai o'r gronfa gofal canolraddol yn rhedeg o un cyhoeddiad cyllid da, ond cyfyngedig o ran amser, ond ei bod yn cael ei gynnal ar gyfer cynllunio tymor hwy?
It's a very clever trick, Jane Hutt, to name-check the Llywydd in your contribution in order to squeeze in two rather than one question. Two quick answers.
Mae'n gamp glyfar iawn, Jane Hutt, i enwi'r Llywydd yn eich cyfraniad er mwyn gwasgu dau gwestiwn i mewn yn hytrach nag un. Dau ateb cyflym.
Okay, I will be brief. I just want to recognise that, as other Members have said, there is genuinely cross-party interest and support for this agenda, so I think it's only fair to recognise that.
In terms of the social housing partners and the housing sector on those regional partnership boards, it is true to say that their voice has been heard very well on some of those regional partnership boards as kind of associate members but not statutory members, but then, in other regional partnership boards, housing feels frustrated, I think, that they haven't had their voice heard. So, that's one of the reasons why we have taken the decision to put housing as statutory partners on those regional partnership boards, to make sure that they get the credit that they deserve on those boards, but also get the strong voice and are taken as seriously as they should be, given how important the capital element is to this and how important we see housing in terms of supporting people's good health and well-being.
In terms of the funding, this is a three-year funding arrangement, so it will be £30 million for this year, £35 million for the following year, and £40 million for the year after that. This should be able to give regional partnership boards the opportunity to plan forward with that. We've written to the regional partnership boards today, outlining their indicative allocations for each particular region.
Iawn, byddaf yn gryno. Rwy'n dymuno cydnabod, fel y mae Aelodau eraill wedi nodi, bod diddordeb a chefnogaeth drawsbleidiol wirioneddol ar gyfer yr agenda hon, felly rwy'n credu nad yw hi ond yn deg cydnabod hynny.
O ran y partneriaid tai cymdeithasol a'r sector tai ar y byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol hynny, mae'n wir dweud bod eu llais wedi ei glywed yn dda iawn ar rai byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol hynny fel math o aelodau cysylltiedig ond nid aelodau statudol, ond wedyn ar fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol eraill, mae sector tai yn teimlo'n rhwystredig, rwy'n credu, nad yw eu llais wedi'i glywed. Felly, dyna un o'r rhesymau pam yr ydym ni wedi penderfynu gwneud y sector tai yn bartneriaid statudol ar y byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol hynny, i wneud yn siŵr eu bod yn cael y gydnabyddiaeth y maent yn ei haeddu ar y byrddau hynny, ond eu bod hefyd yn cael llais cryf a'u bod yn cael eu cymryd o ddifri fel y dylen nhw, o ystyried pa mor bwysig yw'r elfen gyfalaf yn hyn, a pha mor bwysig yw tai, yn ein tyb ni, i gefnogi iechyd da a lles pobl.
O ran y cyllid, trefniant cyllid tair blynedd yw hwn, felly bydd yn £30 miliwn eleni, £35 miliwn ar gyfer y flwyddyn ganlynol a £40 miliwn ar gyfer y flwyddyn ar ôl honno. Dylai hyn allu rhoi cyfle i fyrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol flaengynllunio. Rydym ni wedi ysgrifennu at y byrddau partneriaeth rhanbarthol heddiw, yn amlinellu eu dyraniadau dangosol ar gyfer pob rhanbarth penodol.
I have one comment and a straight question. I was delighted to see that the need for housing to be put at the heart of health and social care and broader community regeneration is acknowledged—a point I was banging away on back in 2003 in this place, when there were warnings that if urgent action wasn't taken, Wales would face the housing supply crisis that we now have.
But, moving on, two weeks ago, I chaired the cross-party group on disability and I wondered how you respond to the findings presented to us by the Equality and Human Rights Commission on 'Housing and disabled people: Wales's hidden crisis'. I'll just give three of them: how do you respond to their findings that there's no target in the Welsh Government's 20,000 affordable housing target by 2021 for accessible homes, that only one out of 22 local authorities have set a percentage target for accessible and affordable homes, and that only 15 per cent of local authorities in Wales said that the information they had about disabled people's housing requirements was 'good'?
Mae gen i un sylw a chwestiwn syml. Roeddwn i'n falch iawn o weld y bydd yr angen am dai yn cael ei roi wrth wraidd iechyd a gofal cymdeithasol a chydnabyddiaeth am adfywio cymunedol ehangach—pwynt yr oeddwn i'n sôn o hyd amdano yn ôl yn 2003 yn y lle hwn, pan oedd rhybuddion pe na byddai camau brys yn cael eu cymryd, y byddai Cymru yn wynebu'r argyfwng cyflenwad tai sydd gennym yn awr.
Ond, i symud ymlaen, bythefnos yn ôl, cadeiriais y grŵp trawsbleidiol ar anabledd a meddwl oeddwn i tybed sut yr ydych chi'n ymateb i'r canfyddiadau a gyflwynwyd i ni gan y Comisiwn Cydraddoldeb a Hawliau Dynol ar 'Tai a phobl anabl: argyfwng cudd Cymru'. Rhoddaf i dri ohonynt: sut ydych chi'n ymateb i'w canfyddiadau nad oes dim targed ar gyfer cartrefi hygyrch yn nharged Llywodraeth Cymru o gyflawni 20,000 o dai fforddiadwy erbyn 2021, mai dim ond un o'r 22 o awdurdodau lleol sydd wedi gosod targed canran ar gyfer cartrefi hygyrch a fforddiadwy, ac mai dim ond 15 y cant o awdurdodau lleol yng Nghymru sydd wedi dweud bod yr wybodaeth a gânt am ofynion tai pobl anabl yn 'dda'?
Thank you for very much for those questions and comments, and I very much recognise the report to which you referred. We have asked our officials to explore that report to see what more we can be doing to ensure that we are building housing that is accessible to people. Certainly, housing that is built, or other accommodation that is built, through our integrated care fund would be very cognisant of the fact that it's supporting older people and people with complex needs and so on, and that it will need to be tailored to the needs of those individuals. But I think we also have to remember that we do have the Welsh quality housing standard that applies to the social rented sector here in Wales. By 2020, all of our local authorities and all of our registered social landlords will have met that standard. I think that does set the bar really in terms of ensuring that housing is of a good quality here in Wales, but I do recognise the seriousness of that report and the need to ensure that we do more in terms of accessibility.
Diolch yn fawr iawn am y cwestiynau a'r sylwadau hynny, ac rwy'n sicr yn cydnabod yr adroddiad y gwnaethoch chi gyfeirio ato. Rydym ni wedi gofyn i'n swyddogion archwilio'r adroddiad hwnnw i weld beth mwy y gallwn ni ei wneud i sicrhau ein bod yn adeiladu tai sy'n hygyrch i bobl. Yn sicr, byddai tai a gaiff eu hadeiladu, neu lety arall a gaiff ei adeiladu, drwy ein cronfa gofal integredig yn ystyriol iawn o'r ffaith eu bod yn cefnogi pobl hŷn a phobl ag anghenion cymhleth ac ati, ac y bydd angen eu teilwra i anghenion yr unigolion hynny. Ond rwy'n credu hefyd bod yn rhaid inni gofio bod gennym ni'r safon ansawdd tai Cymru sy'n berthnasol i'r sector rhentu cymdeithasol yma yng Nghymru. Erbyn 2020, bydd pob un o'n hawdurdodau lleol a'n landlordiaid cymdeithasol cofrestredig wedi cyrraedd y safon honno. Rwy'n credu bod hynny yn pennu'r safon ofynnol mewn gwirionedd o ran sicrhau bod tai o ansawdd da yma yng Nghymru, ond rwy'n cydnabod difrifoldeb yr adroddiad hwnnw, a'r angen i sicrhau ein bod yn gwneud mwy o ran hygyrchedd.
Diolch i'r Gweinidog, a daw hynny â'n trafodion ni am heddiw i ben.
Thank you, Minister, and that brings today's proceedings to a close.
Daeth y cyfarfod i ben am 19:22.
The meeting ended at 19:22.